BRONZ./NO 


AMERICUS     YESFUCIUS 


THE  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES 
*/  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS  . 

WITH  ILLUSTRATIONS  CONCERN 
ING  THE  NAVIGATOR  AND  THE 
DISCOVERT  OF  THE  NEW  WORLD 


By  C.  EDWARDS  JESTER, 

U.  1.  CONSUL  TO  GENOA,  1845 


ASSISTED     BY     ANDREW     FOSTER 

Agit    grates    peregr  inaeque    oscula    terrae 

Figit,  et  ignotos  montes  agrosque  salutat. 

OVID,  Met.  Hi.  v.  14 


NEW  AMSTERDAM  fiOOK  COMPANY'" 

PUBLISHERS:      NEW    YORK,     1903 


Preface. 

Residing  for  some  years  in  the  land  which  gave 
birth  to  the  two  great  men  who  have  divided 
the  honour  of  discovering  America,  my  attention 
was  frequently  turned  to  the  subject  of  this  vol 
ume.  Without  any  fixed  purpose  of  writing 
about  Americus  or  his  times,  I  devoted  the  leis 
ure  I  had,  to  the  study  of  the  era  of  Discovery, 
and  collected  those  books,  charts,  and  MSS. 
which  throw  light  over  the  Subject. 

A  superficial  survey  of  my  materials  begat  a  feel 
ing  of  surprise,  that  no  English  or  American  his 
torian  had  ever  been  attracted  towards  so  fine  a 
theme,  while  a  more  diligent  investigation  at  last 
kindled  a  desire  to  possess  my  countrymen  gen 
erally  of  information  which  could  not  be  found  in 
the  literature  of  our  language. 

But  I  was  beset  with  uncommon  difficulties  in 
the  very  beginning  of  my  labours.  Various  ac 
counts  of  Americus  and  his  Voyages  had  ap 
peared  in  Italian,  Spanish,  and  German  books, 
but  no  writer  of  research  or  celebrity  had  thrown 
much  light  over  the  Life  and  Voyages  of  the  Dis 
coverer.  A  careful  review  of  Canovai,  Bandini, 
and  Bartolozzi,  who  are  almost  the  only  Italians 
that  have  written  much  about  Americus,  with  a 
minute  examination  of  other  authors,  convinced 
me  it  would  be  no  easy  task  to  reconcile  their 
conflicting  opinions,  and  separate  history  from 
fiction.  But  the  very  obstacles  I  found  in  my  way 
only  served  to  show  the  claims  of  the  subject  upon 
iii 


PREFACE. 

the  historian.  I  wished  to  publish  the  result  of 
ray  studies  before  my  return  to  Europe,  but  this 
would  have  been  impossible  without  essential  aid 
from  some  one  familiar  with  the  subject.  For  this 
purpose,  I  applied  last  autumn  to  my  friend,  Mr. 
Andrew  Foster,  of  Boston,  whose  acquaintance 
with  the  languages  and  literature  of  Modern  Eu 
rope  rendered  his  assistance  invaluable.  He  kindly 
complied  with  my  request,  and  for  several  months 
has  devoted  himself  entirely  to  this  work.  It 
was  but  an  act  of  simple  justice  to  insist  that 
his  name  should  appear  on  the  title-page,  and 
to  make  this  grateful  acknowledgment,  which 
I  do  with  unmixed  pleasure. 

It  has  been  remarked  of  Petrarch,  that  "his 
verses  and  his  letters,  when  read  together,  fur 
nished  a  sort  of  running  history  of  the  man." 
Though  this  remark  cannot  be  applied  in  its 
fullest  force  to  Americus,  yet  it  may  be  said  to  be 
partially  true  with  regard  to  him.  His  letters 
carry  us  through  the  scenes  which  he  visited  during 
the  most  interesting  part  of  his  life,  and  though 
seldom  alluding  to  himself  personally,  it  is  easy 
to  place  him  in  the  imagination  in  every  position 
he  describes.  I  thought  it  advisable  to  adopt  a 
new  arrangement  of  these  documents,  or  rather 
to  follow  the  arrangement  partially  laid  out  by 
Canovai,  and  to  divide  the  letter  to  Soderini  into 
four  parts,  placing  the  different  accounts  of  each 
voyage  together. 

In  preparing  the  translation  of  the  letters  many 
different  editions  in  Italian,  Latin,  and  Spanish, 
have  been  consulted  and  compared.  The  letter  to 
Soderini  follows  principally  the  text  of  the  Gruni- 
ger  edition,  translated  into  Spanish  by  Navarrete, 
with  some  alterations  and  corrections  of  manifest 
errors.  The  letters  to  De  Medici  were  taken 
iv 


PREFACE. 

from  the  Italian  of  Bandini  and  Canovai,  with 
the  exception  of  the  second  letter,  giving  an  ac 
count  of  the  third  voyage,  which  was  translated 
from  the  work  of  Bartolozzi.  The  Latin  copy  of 
the  letter  contained  in  the  Novus  Orbis  of  Gri- 
naeus  was  compared  with  the  Italian. 

The  works  of  Mr.  Irving,  "The  Life  of  Colum 
bus"  and  "The  Companions  of  Columbus,"  have 
been  carefully  consulted.  The  Paris  edition  has 
been  used,  and  is  the  one  referred  to.  It  is  the 
last  edition,  and  published  under  Mr.  Irving's 
own  eye,  and  therefore  in  all  probability  the  most 
correct.  The  Collection  of  Senor  Navarrete  has 
been  invaluable,  and  has  brought  to  light  many 
facts  of  which  all  previous  biographers  of  Arneri- 
cus  were  ignorant. 

Before  concluding  these  prefatory  sentences,  I 
wish  to  express  my  warm  sense  of  obligation  to 
Mr.  Moore,  the  Librarian  of  the  New  York  His 
torical  Society,  for  his  uniformly  courteous  treat 
ment  and  his  kind  aid  in  facilitating  the  researches 
necessary  in  the  preparation  of  this  work.  The 
Library  itself  is  a  fine  collection  of  valuable  his 
torical  works,  and  I  doubt  whether  any  one,  with 
the  exception  perhaps  of  the  Ehbeling  collection,  in 
the  Harvard  University  Library,  is  more  rich  in 
matter  relating  to  the  early  history  of  America. 
Indeed,  there  are  some  rare  works  found  in  the 
N.  Y.  H.  8.  Library  which  are  not  readily  met 
with  in  Europe. 

I  cannot  close  this  account  of  my  labours  with 
out  petitioning  the  reader  to  lay  aside  the  preju 
dice  so  common  in  this  country  against  the  very 
name  of  Americus.  The  learned  have  said  that  he 
"usurped  the  name  of  the  continent,"  and  the 
vulgar  have  repeated  it.  How  poorly  the  great 
Navigator  has  merited  this  charge  the  following 


PREFACE. 

pages  will  show.  The  work  is  now  given  to  the 
Public,  with  the  hope  that  the  labours  ol  the  au 
thors  will  not  be  in  vain. 

C.  EDWARDS  LESTER. 

New  York,  March  31,  1846 


Contents. 
PART  I. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Introductory  Remarks— General  View  of  the  State 
of  the  Commerce  of  the  World  previous  to  the 
Discovery  of  America— Merchants  necessarily 
Travellers— High  Rates  of  Interest  of  Money- 
Evidence  of  approaching  Change — Italian  Manu 
factories—State  of  Civilization,  1400— Effects  of 
the  Conquest  of  the  Eastern  Empire— Marco 
Polo — Mandeville— Invention  of  the  Compass 
and  Astrolabe— Prince  Henry  of  Portugal- 
Robertson's  Character  of  him— His  Zeal  for  the 
Cause  of  Discovery— Vasco  De  Gama— Doubles 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  1497— Progress  of  Dis 
covery—Portuguese  Expeditions  to  the  Coast 
of  Africa— Papal  Grants  of  Dominion— Death 
of  Prince  Henry— Discoveries  by  Columbus— 
What  moved  him  to  attempt  them— Islands  of 
St.  Brandan  and  of  the  Seven  Cities— Paolo  Tos- 
canelli— Discoveries  of  the  Scandinavians— Ital 
ian  Navigators— Verazzani — Sebastian  Cabot- 
Pre-eminence  of  particular  Ideas  at  particular 
Epochs— Cotemporary  Authors— Fernando  Co 
lumbus— Bartolomeo  de  Las  Casas— Gonzalo 
Fernandez  de  Oviedo— Andrez  Bernal— Antonio 
Herrerade  Trodesillas— Francisco  Lopez  de  Go- 
mara— Peter  Martyr— Concluding  Remarks,  21 
vii 


CONTENTS. 
CHAPTER  II. 

Birth  of  Vespucius,  1451— His  Parents— Anastasio 
Vespucci  and  Elizabetta  Mini— Origin  of  the 
Vespucci  Family— Peretola— Extract  from  Ugo- 
lino  Verini— Estates  of  the  House — Old  Family 
Mansion— Inscription  over  its  Door— Simone  Ves 
pucci—His  great  Wealth— Offices  of  State  of 
Florence  held  by  the  Vespucci— Guido  Antonio  di 
Giovanni  Vespucci— Immediate  Relatives  of  Amer- 
icus — Antiquity  of  Family— Destiny  of  Americue 
—Commerce  and  Italian  Bankers  ....  50 

CHAPTER  III. 

The  Youth  of  Great  Men— Lack  of  Detail  in  this 
Respect— Early  Education  of  Americus— Georgio 
Antonio  Vespucci— His  Uncle— Brilliant  Expecta 
tions  of  his  Family— Studies  in  Astronomy  and 
Cosmography— Friendship  for  Piero  Soderini— 
Tomaso  Soderini — The  Plague  in  Florence,  1478 
—Dissolution  of  the  School  of  the  Friar  Vespucci 
—Early  Letters  of  Americus— Lorenzo  de  Medici 
—His  Brilliant  Administration— Paolo  Tosca- 
nelli,  the  Learned  Florentine  Physician— Relig 
ious  Education  of  Americus— Letter  of  Ameri 
cus  to  his  Father 57 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Period  from  1480  to  1490— Cosmography— High 
Value  of  Maps— Gabriel  de  Velasca— Mauro— 
Causes  of  the  Departure  of  Americus  from  Flor 
ence— Girolamo  Vespucci— His  Loss  of  Property 
— Piero  de'  Medici  Commissions  Americue — Spain 
—Wars  against  the  Moors— Giovanni  Vespucci, 
the  Nephew  of  Americus— Account  given  of  him 
by  Peter  Martyr — Letter  of  Americus  and 
viii 


CONTENTS. 

Donate  Nicollini— Juan  Berardi,  1492— The  nec 
essary  Reflections  of  Americus— An  Epoch  of 
Enterprise  and  Improvement,  64 

CHAPTER  V. 

Meeting  of  Americus  with  Columbus,  1492,  '93 
—Description  of  the  Personal  Appearance  of 
Columbus — Personal  Appearance  of  Americus — 
Sketch  of  their  different  Views— The  Problem 
of  Longitude — Discussion  at  Salamanca— Con 
versation  between  Columbus  and  Americus— 
Singular  Vow  of  the  Former— He  repels  the  Im 
putation  of  Mercenary  Motives— Doubts  of  Ainer- 
icus  as  to  the  Territories  of  the  Khan,  drawn 
from  the  Appearance  of  the  Natives,  &c.— His 
Ideas  of  a  large  Island  between  Europe  and 
Asia— Confidence  of  Columbus— Considers  him 
self  Divinely  Commissioned— Hia  Plan  of  Attack 
upon  the  Infidels— Cites  Paolo  Toscanelli— Ves- 
pucius  States  his  View  of  the  Question  of  Longi 
tude — Terrestrial  Paradise — Enthusiasm  of  Co 
lumbus  on  this  Subject— Exaggeration  of  Marco 
Polo — Criticism  of  Americus 71 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Death  of  Berardi— Payments  to  Americus— Wreck 
of  Fleet  fitted  out  by  him— His  Letter  to  So- 
derini— Modesty  displayed  by  him— Position  held 
by  Americus  hi  his  First  Voyage— Cosmogra 
phy  of  Ilacomilo— Bibliotheca  Riccardiana— 
Rene,  Titular  King  of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem- 
Date  of  the  Voyage— Herrera's  Statements— The 
Name  of  America — Spanish  Archives — Voyages  of 
Alonzo  de  Ojeda— His  Evidence  in  the  Lawsuit 
of  Don  Diego  Columbus— Silence  of  the  Cotem- 
porary  Historians— Negative  Evidence— Ex- 
ix 


CONTENTS. 

tract  from  Gomara  on  the  Subject— No  Dispar 
agement  of  Columbus— Authenticity  of  the  Let 
ters — Feelings  of  Columbus— His  Letter  respect 
ing  Americus  to  his  Son— General  Licenses  of 
the  Crown  for  other  Voyages, 84 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Sketch  of  the  Life  of  Piero  Soderini— His  Charac 
ter—Elected  GonfaloniSre  of  Florence — His  Fall 
and  Banishment — His  Death  at  Rome — Letter  of 
Americus  to  him,  describing  his  First  Voyage— 
His  Reasons  for  Writing— Sails  from  Cadiz,  May 
10th,  1497— Arrives  at  the  Grand  Canaries- 
Arrives  at  the  New  World— Appearance  of  the 
Inhabitants— Sails  along  the  Coast— Their  Weap 
ons  and  their  Wars— Mode  of  Life — Religion  and 
Laws — Their  Riches — Their  System  of  Physic — 
Burial  Rites— Their  Food— Ignami— Finds  trif 
ling  Indications  of  Gold— Venezuela— Treachery 
of  the  Inhabitants— Fight  with  them— Five  Pris 
oners—Their  Artful  Escape— Singular  Animals 
—Fish  made  into  Flour— Americus  received  by 
another  Tribe  with  great  Honour— Laughable 
Occurrence— Establishes  Baptismal  Fonts— La- 
riab— Cannibalism— Repairing  the  Ships— Sail  for 
the  Islands— Battle  with  the  Natives— Slave 
Prisoners— Return  Voyage — Arrival  at  Cadiz. 
15th  of  October,  1498,  98 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Arrival  of  Columbus  on  the  Coast  of  Paria, 
and  at  Hispaniola,  August  30th.  1498— Distract 
ed  State  of  the  Colony  he  had  left— Despatches 
News  of  his  Discovery  of  the  Continent  on  18th 
of  October,  1498,  from  Isabella— Americus  ar 
rives  at  Cadiz,  15th  of  October.  1498— News 


CONTENTS. 

made  Public— Consequent  Excitement— Alonzo 
de  Ojeda— His  Plan  of  an  Expedition— Bishop 
Fonseca— His  Hatred  of  Columbus— Commission 
of  Ojeda— His  Companionship  with  Americus— 
Interval  between  First  and  Second  Voyage— Mar- 
riage  of  Americus  with  Maria  Cerozo— He  goes  to 
Court— Is  Importuned  by  Ojeda— Consents  to  go 
with  him— Juan  de  la  Cosa— Preparations  for 
sailing  at  Seville— Lorenzo  di  Pier-Francesco  de' 
Medici— Sketch  of  his  Life,  ..,,,,  124 

CHAPTER  IX. 

PIBST  LETTER  OF  AMERICUS  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER-FRAN 
CESCO  DE'  MEDICI,  GIVING  AN  ACCOUNT 
OF  HIS  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

Departure  from  Cadiz.  May  18th,  1499— Makes 
the  Canary  Islands— Arrives  at  the  New  World 
in  twenty-four  Days— Difficulty  of  Disembarca- 
tion— Freshness  of  the  Water  at  Sea— Two  large 
Rivers  Discovered— Ascent  of  one  of  them— De 
scription  of  the  Scenery— Remarkable  Current 
—Shadows  of  the  Sun— The  Stars  of  the  South 
Pole— Remarkable  Passage  in  Dante— Calcula 
tion  of  Distance  from  Cadiz— Calculation  of 
Longitude,  Aug.  23,  1499— Occupation  of  Mars 
—Sails  Northwardly— Discovers  an  Island— De 
scription  of  the  Natives— Their  Hospitality— Pres 
ent  of  Pearls— Voyage  continued— Meets  with  Un 
friendly  Natives— Cannibalism— Battle  with  them 
—Valour  of  a  Portuguese  Sailor— A  very  large 
Race  of  Natives— Venezuela— Proceeds  to  Hispa- 
niola— Refitting  the  Fleet— Continue  Homeward 
Voyage— Take  a  Cargo  of  Slave-prisoners— Ar 
rive  at  the  Azores  and  Cadiz — Conclusion  of  the 

Voyage, 133 

xi 


CONTENTS. 
CHAPTER  X. 

CONTINUATION  OF  THE  LETTER  OF  AMERICUS  TO  PIERO 

SODERINI,  GIVING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF 

HIS  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

Departure  from  Cadiz,  May,  1499— Arrival  in  the 
New  World— Signs  of  Inhabitants— Coasting  the 
Shores— San  Luis  de  Maranham— Chase  and 
Capture  a  Canoe— Cannibalism— Pearls  and  Gold 
—Inimical  Natives— Chewing  the  Cud— Want 
of  Water— Immense  Leaves— Island  of  Curacoa 
— Large  Islanders— Visit  to  their  Village— Re 
turning  to  Castile — Trade  with  the  Indians- 
Large  Quantity  of  Pearls— Visit  Antilla— Take  in 
Provisions— Sail  for  Spain— Arrival  at  Cadiz, 
June  8th,  1500, 154 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Unjustifiable  Perversion  of  the  Words  of  Americus 
—Attack  of  Sickness— New  Spanish  Fleet  for 
Him— His  Position  in  Spain— Motives  of  the 
King  of  Portugal  in  attempting  to  gain  the 
Services  of  Americus— First  Attempt  by  Letter- 
Second  Attempt  by  a  Messenger— Juliano  Gio- 
condo— He  leaves  Spain  secretly— Goes  to  Lisbon 
— Reception  at  the  Court  of  Emmanuel— Impor 
tance  of  his  Voyage  to  the  Kingdom  of  Portugal 
—Extract  from  Thomson's  Seasons— A  Word  re 
specting  the  Date  of  the  Voyage — Inaccuracy  of 
Herrera.  165 

CHAPTER  XH. 

SECOND  LETTER  OF  AMERICUS  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER- 
FRANCESCO  DE'  MEDICI,  GIVING  A  BRIEF  AC 
COUNT  OF  HIS  THIRD  VOYAGE,  MADE 
FOR  THE  KING  OF  PORTUGAL. 

Departure  from  Cape  Verd— Arrival  at  the  Conti 
nent—Heavenly  Bodies— Beauty  of  the  Country 


CONTENTS. 

—Numerous  Animals— The  Natives  destitute  of 
Laws  and  Religion— Their  Food  and  Ornaments 
—Longevity— Mode  of  Reckoning  Time — Their 
Wars  and  Cannibalism— Climate — Products  of 
the  Country, 171 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

SECOND  LETTER  OF  AMERICU8  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER- 
FRANCESCO  DE'  MEDICI,  GIVING  A  FULLER  AC 
COUNT  OF  HIS  THIRD  VOYAGE,  MADE  FOR 
THE  KING  OF  PORTUGAL. 

Preamble  respecting  the  First  Letter  of  Americus 
to  De  Medici— Sails  from  Lisbon,  May  13th, 
1501— Arrives  at  the  Canaries— Coasts  the 
Shores  of  Africa— Experiences  violent  Gales- 
Provisions  fall  short— Long  Passage — Despair  at 
their  Situation — Arrive  at  last  at  the  Continent 
—Ignorance  of  the  Pilots— Astronomical  Ob 
servations  of  Americus— Coast  along  the  Shores 
of  South  America— Intercourse  with  the  Natives 
—Thickly-inhabited  Country — Singular  Customs 
of  the  Natives— Their  Mode  of  Life— Cannibal 
ism  again— Climate  and  Fruits— Stars  of  the 
Antarctic  Pole— Beautiful  Iris  or  Rainbow— Geo 
metrical  Calculations  of  Americus— Gratitude  to 
the  Supreme  Being— Arrival  at  Lisbon— Another 
Voyage  in  Contemplation, 177 

CHAPTER  XTV. 

CONTINUATION  OF  THE  LETTER  TO  PIERO   SODERINI, 

GIVING  A  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  THIRD 

VOYAGE  OF  AMERICUS. 

Stay   at   Lisbon   after   Second    Voyage— Letters 
from  the  King  of  Portugal— Juliano  Bartolomeo 
del  Giocondo  sent  from  Lisbon  to  urge  Americus 
xiii 


CONTENTS. 

to  sail  in  the  Portuguese  Service — His  Consent 
and  Departure  for  Lisbon— Sails  from  Lisbon, 
13th  of  May>  1501— Encounters  severe  Storms- 
Arrives  at  the  Continent — Sails  along  the  Shores 
— Attempts  to  treat  with  the  Natives — Two  of 
the  Crew  proceed  Inland— Treachery  of  the  Na 
tives—One  of  the  Crew  killed  and  eaten— Learn 
the  Death  of  the  other  Two— At  length  meet 
with  Friendly  Natives— Continue  the  Voyage  to 
the  North— April  7th,  discover  New  Land— More 
severe  Storms— Return  to  Lisbon— Arrive  on  the 
Seventh  of  September,  1502, 194 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Reception  at  Lisbon— Honours  in  that  City  and 
Florence— High  Reputation  of  Americus— His 
Astronomical  Discoveries— His  Method  of  deter 
mining  Longitude— The  Southern  Cross— A  New 
Expedition  prepared— Gonzalo  Coelho — Sails 
from  Lisbon  with  six  Ships  on  the  10th  of  May, 
1503— Foolish  Vanity  and  Obstinacy  of  the 
Commander  Coelho— Loss  of  Part  of  the  Fleet 
—Great  Inconvenience  occasioned  thereby— 
Americus  pursues  bis  voyage— Discovers  an 
Island— Very  tame  Birds  thereon— Arrives  at 
the  Continent— Bay  of  All  Saints— Builds  a 
Fort  there— Leaves  a  Garrison— Return  Voyage 
—Arrival  at  Lisbon,  June  18th,  1504— Com 
mends  his  Family  to  the  Notice  of  Soderini— 
Concluding  Remarks, 203 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Return  of  Americus  to  Spain,  1504— At  Court, 
February,  1505— Columbus— 111  treatment  of 
him— Death  of  Queen  Isabella— Effect  on  the 
Fortunes  of  Americus— Royal  Grants  to  him— 
New  Expedition— Vicente  Yafies  Pinzon— The 
xiv 


CONTENTS. 

Name  of  America— False  Assertion  and  Deduc 
tion—Reasons  why  the  Name  was  first  given— 
Ilacomilo's  Cosmography— First  Use  ol  the 
Name— Extracts  from  an  able  Article  in  the  N. 
A.  Review— Canovai's  Opinion,  ....  213 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Difficulties  of  the  New  Expedition— Perplexity  of 
the  Officials  of  the  Board  of  Trade— Accession  of 
Philip  and  Joanna  —  Disagreements  between 
Philip  and  Ferdinand— The  Board  of  Trade 
send  Americus  to  Court— Their  Instructions 
to  him— Death  of  King  Philip— Complaints  of 
the  Portuguese  Court— The  Voyage  given  up- 
Ultimate  Fate  of  the  Vessels  composing  this 
Fleet— Great  Expense  occasioned  by  it— Absence 
of  King  Ferdinand,  and  his  Return— Americus 
ordered  to  Court— His  Occupation  there— Ap 
pointed  Chief  Pilot— His  Death,  February  22nd. 
1512 223 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
Character  and  Writings  of  Americus,    .    .    .  231 


PART  II. 

EULOGIUM  OF  AMEEICUS  VESPUCIUS,  WHICH  OBTAINED 

THE  PREMIUM  FROM  THE  NOBLE  ETRUSCAN 

ACADEMY  OF  CORTONA,  ON  THE  15TH 

OF  OCTOBER,  IN  THE  YEAR  1788. 

Letter  of  the  Etruscan  Academy  of  Cortona,  to 

Count   John   Louis   of  Durfort,  then  Minister 

Plenipotentiary  of  France  to  the  Royal  Court 

of  Tuscany,  accompanying  the  Premium  Eulogy 

xv 


CONTENTS. 

—Praise,  the  Aliment  of  Genius— The  Youth  of 
Americus—The  Position  of  Americus— The  Spirit 
of  Emulation  and  its  Effects— The  Eulogist 
imagines  an  Address  to  Americus—The  Doubts 
and  Decision  of  Americus—The  Advantages  and 
Disadvantages  of  the  Discovery  of  Americus— 
Comparison  of  the  Tracks  of  Columbus  and 
Americus— Cosmographical  Calculations  of 
Americus— Rejoicings  at  Florence  in  consequence 
of  the  Discoveries  of  Americus—The  voyages  of 
Americus  in  the  Service  of  Portugal— Impor 
tance  of  the  Discovery  of  Brazil— Thoughts 
respecting  the  Civilization  of  American  Abo 
rigines—The  Name  of  America,  his  Reward- 
Death  and  Memory  of  Americus— Motives  of 
Canovai  in  writing  the  Eulogium— The  History 
of  Tiraboschi 239 

II. 

A  NARRATIVE  ADDRESSED  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER-FRAN 
CESCO  DE'  MEDICI ; 

Giving  an  Account  of  the  Voyage  and  Discoveries 
of  Vasco  de  Gama  beyond  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  the  Authorship  of  which  has  been  at 
tributed  to  Americus  V«epucius— Reasons  of 
Canovai  for  discrediting  the  Narrative — The  Ar 
guments  of  Canovai  considered— The  Relation  of 
the  Voyage  of  Gama— Discovery  of  Lands  be 
yond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope— Departure  from 
Melinda— Description  of  the  City  of  Calicut— 
The  Moorish  Merchants  of  Calicut— The  Cur 
rency  of  the  Country— Prices  of  the  different 
Articles  of  Produce — Precious  Stones— Arrival  of 
Strangers  at  Calicut— The  Monarch's  Mode  of 
Life — Calculation  of  Distance  from  Lisbon- 
Productions  of  the  Country 277 


CONTENTS. 

in. 

LETTERS  OF  PAOLO  T08CANELLI  TO  COLUMBUS. 

Letters  of  Paolo  Toscanelli  to  Columbus— Letter 
of  Toscanelli  to  Martinez— Distance  from  Lis 
bon,  292 

IV. 

MARCO  POLO  AND  HIS  TRAVELS. 

Election  of  Visconti  to  the  Papal  Chair—Friars 
sent  by  the  Pope  to  accompany  the  Polos — 
The  Polos  pursue  their  Journey— Marco  Polo 
sent  on  Embassies  by  the  Khan— Their  Scheme 
to  return  to  Venice — Departure  from  Cathay- 
Magnificent  Letters  Patent — Arrival  at  Venice — 
Marco  taken  Prisoner  by  the  Genoese— Marriages 
of  the  Polo  Family— Effects  of  the  Travels  of 
the  Polos— Great  Extent  and  Public  Buildings 
of  the  City— Judicial  Officers— Private  Residences 
and  Domestic  Habits— Lake  in  the  Neighbour 
hood  of  the  City— Palace  of  the  King,  and  his 
great  Luxury— Revenue  of  the  Khan— The  Island 
of  Cipango— Paper  Money— Immense  Wealth  of 
the  Great  Khan— The  Care  and  Bounty  of  the 
Monarch  towards  his  Subjects,  ,  ,  .  .  298 

V. 

FELLOW-VOYAGERS  OF  AMERICUS. 

Alonzo  de  Ojeda  and  Juan  de  la  Cosa— Juan  de 
Vergara  and  Garcia  de  Campos— Settlement  at 
Bahia  Honda— Quarrels  of  Ojeda  and  his  Part 
ners—Legal  Process  against  Ojeda— The  Gold 
Mines  of  Veragua— Juan  de  la  Cosa— Voyage  of 
Bastides— Connection  of  De  la  Cosa  with  Ojeda 
xvii 


CONTENTS. 

— Bitter  Feud  between  Ojeda  and  Nicuessa 
—Departure  from  San  Domingo,  15th  Nov., 
1509— Proclamation  of  Ojeda  to  the  Indians 
-De  la  Cosa  tries  to  dissuade  Ojeda  from  set 
tling  in  this  Part  of  the  Country— Death  of 
Juan  de  la  Cosa— Character  of  De  la  Cosa— 
Great  Anxiety  on  Board  the  Ships,  and  Escape 
of  Ojeda— Ojeda,  with  the  aid  of  Nicuessa.  pre 
pares  for  another  Attack— Settlement  in  the  Gulf 
of  Uraba— Ojeda  Wounded— Arrival  of  Talavera 
with  scanty  Supplies— Departure  of  Ojeda,  and 
his  Shipwreck— Sufferings  of  the  Spaniards  in 
Cuba— Ojeda  builds  a  Chapel  in  fulfilment  of  hie 
Vow— Sends  a  Message  to  Esquibel.  in  Jamaica 
—News  of  the  Bachelor  Enciso— Last  Days  of 
Ojeda, 323 

VI. 

DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS  :  PRE 
SENTED  IN  THE  COLLECTION  OF  NAVARRETE. 

Documents  of  Navarrete— M.  de  Humboldt's  Re 
marks  on  the  Letter  of  Santaren,    .    .    .     348 

VII. 

LETTER  OF  M.  RANKE  TO  M.  DE  HUMBOLDT,  RESPECTING 

THE  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  AMERICUS  WITH 

SODERINI  AND  DE'  MEDICI. 

Letter  of  M.  Ranke— The  Soderini  Family— Politi 
cal  Connections  of  the  Vespucci  Family,    .  353 


xviii 


PART  I. 
BIOGRAPHY. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

CHAPTER   I. 

The  commerce  of  the  world  until  nearly  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century  was  carried  on  chiefly 
by  means  of  land  transportation.  Voyages  of 
much  extent  were  almost  unknown,  and  the  mari 
ner  confined  himself  to  inland  waters,  or  hovered 
along  the  shores  of  the  great  Western  Ocean, 
without  venturing  out  of  sight  of  land.  The  prin 
cipal  marts  of  Europe  were  the  Hanseatic  cities— 
a  league  of  mercantile  towns,  which  was  formed 
for  the  purpose  of  security  and  mutual  protection. 

The  thriving  Republics  of  Italy  were  the  car 
riers  of  the  world.  For  many  centuries  their  citi 
zens  were  almost  the  only  agents  for  commercial 
communication  with  the  countries  of  the  East. 
Venice  and  Genoa  maintained  establishments  on 
the  farthest  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  and 
Black  Seas.  Immense  caravans  crossed  the  deserts 
of  Arabia  and  Egypt,  their  camels  laden  with  the 
costly  fabrics  of  the  Indies,  which  were  received 
by  the  Italian  traders  from  the  hands  of  the 
Mahometans,  and  distributed  over  Europe.  Here 
and  there  upon  the  deserts,  a  green  oasis  with  its 
bubbling  spring  or  fresh  rivulet,  served  these 
mighty  trains  for  a  resting-place,  where  man  and 
beast  halted  to  recover  from  the  fatigues  of  their 
weary  journeys. 

21 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Occasionally,  on  these  spots,  where  the  soil  was 
of  sufficient  fertility  to  sustain  a  population,  vil 
lages  grew  up.  In  rarer  instances  and  in  earlier 
ages,  large  cities  had  been  built  upon  these  stop 
ping-places,  and  were  for  the  time  the  centres  of 
traffic.  Their  warehouses,  cumbered  with  the  fruits, 
the  treasures,  and  the  fabrics  of  India,  tempted  the 
traders  of  all  nations  to  their  gates,  and  their 
market-places  resounded  with  the  busy  hum  of  a 
crowded  population.  While  the  current  of  busi 
ness  flowed  in  that  direction,  all  within  their 
walls  evinced  life  and  activity,  but  as  soon  as  a 
new  channel  was  adopted  by  merchants,  they  fell 
into  insignificance,  and  were  once  more  abandoned 
to  the  solitude  of  the  desert.  Travellers  of  the 
present  day  occasionally  visit  their  sites,  and  tell 
tales  of  wonder  of  the  gigantic  ruins  of  some  Bal- 
bec  or  Palmyra  of  the  wilderness. 

In  the  fifteenth  century  merchants  were,  of  ne 
cessity,  travellers.  They  could  not,  as  in  the  present 
day,  sit  quietly  in  their  counting-rooms,  and  trans 
act  business  with  all  parts  of  the  known  world, 
receiving  by  each  day's  post  communications  from 
distant  agents,  and  issuing  orders  for  future  op 
erations,  with  the  certainty  of  their  receipt  and 
prompt  execution.  The  stranger  was  regarded  as 
an  enemy  by  the  laws  of  most  countries,  and  the 
foreign  merchant  was  looked  upon  with  distrust 
and  apprehension.  There  existed  little  confidence 
in  mercantile  honour,  and  bills  of  exchange  were 
rarely  resorted  to,  except  in  cases  of  emergency 
and  danger.  The  exorbitant  rates  of  interest 
which  were  in  all  cases  demanded  for  the  use  of 
money,  materially  checked  active  commercial 
operations. 

Absurd  as  it  seems  in  the  present  day,  an  idea 
generally  prevailed,  that  the  receipt  of  interest  for 
22 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

loans  came  within  the  scriptural  denunciation  of 
usury,  and,  notwithstanding  the  enlightened  views 
which  were  beginning  to  gain  ground,  there  were 
not  wanting  learned  doctors  of  the  church  who 
maintained  the  guilt  of  those  who  received  pay  for 
the  risk  they  took  in  loaning  their  capital.  The 
merchants  of  Italy,  or,  as  they  were  called  in  the 
North  of  Europe,  the  Lombards,  were  the  bankers 
as  well  as  the  carriers  of  the  age,  and  finding 
themselves  engaged  in  a  business  which  was  con 
sidered  disgraceful  and  irreligious  by  the  mass  of 
the  people,  naturally  became  extravagant  in  their 
demands  in  the  ratio  of  the  infamy  of  their  trans 
actions.  The  consequence  was,  that  extravagant 
profits  were  required  to  remunerate  traders,  and 
traffic  was  confined  almost  exclusively  to  barter 
and  exchange.  The  merchant  accompanied  his 
goods  to  their  destination,  sold  them  himself,  and 
purchased  a  new  stock  which  was  saleable  in  his 
own  country ;  and  in  most  cases  this  transaction 
was  effected  without  the  medium  of  gold  or  silver. 

But  evidence  of  an  approaching  change  was  not 
wanting.  The  demands  of  advancing  civilization 
had  begun  to  develop  a  vast  alteration  in  the  face 
of  Europe.  The  increasing  demand  for  the  fabrics 
of  the  East  stimulated  the  enterprise  of  the  in 
habitants  of  the  South  of  Europe,  and  efforts 
were  made  to  cultivate  the  plants  of  India,  while 
manufactories,  already  established  in  Italy,  gave 
fair  promise  of  success  and  profit.  The  looms  of 
her  silk-weavers  had  already  begun  to  clothe  her 
citizens  in  garments  which  heretofore,  from  their 
costliness,  could  only  be  obtained  by  princes  and 
nobles. 

It  is  curious  to  contemplate  the  vast  difference 
in  luxury  and  comfort  which  existed  between  those 
countries  which,  from  their  natural  geographical 
23 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

position,  were  placed  in  the  course  of  trade,  and 
those  more  secluded  or  out  of  the  way  of  travel 
lers.  In  England,  for  instance,  an  isolated  country, 
many  of  the  inhabitants  of  her  largest  towns 
lived  in  huts,  without  window  or  chimney.  The 
fire  was  built  on  the  ground,  in  the  centre  of  the 
house,  and  its  smoke  was  left  to  find  its  way  out 
by  the  door,  or  escaped  by  a  hole  in  the  roof. 
Chairs  and  tables,  the  commonest  articles  of 
domestic  utility,  were  almost  unknown  to  the 
largest  part  of  the  population.  How  different  the 
scene  in  Ghent,  or  Bruges,  or  Venice,  or  Genoa  I 
There,  costly  palaces  for  the  wealthy,  furnished 
with  most  of  the  luxuries  of  later  times,  and  com 
fortable  habitations  for  the  poorer  classes,  every 
where  abounded.  Art  and  literature  flourished  by 
the  side  of  commerce,  and  universities  and  schools 
were  established,  which  disseminated  knowledge  far 
and  wide  among  mankind. 

The  manufacturing  spirit  of  Southern  Europe 
was  brought  to  life  mainly  by  the  fact  that  the 
old-established  ways  of  transporting  goods  from 
India,  which  had  gradually  been  growing  more 
and  more  precarious,  were  then  almost  entirely 
abandoned,  on  account  of  their  danger.  The 
Turks,  a  nation  of  ferocious  religious  warriors, 
had  overrun  the  Greek  provinces  of  Asia  border 
ing  upon  the  Mediterranean,  and  annihilated  the 
Christian  power  in  the  East  by  the  conquest  of 
Constantinople.  They  were  as  a  people  little 
adapted  to  commercial  pursuits,  even  had  they 
possessed  the  willingness  to  engage  in  them  which 
characterized  their  predecessors,  and  their  lawless 
character  and  marauding  habits  rendered  the  pas 
sage  of  the  deserts,  even  by  their  own  country 
men,  a  task  of  great  uncertainty  and  danger. 

It  was  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  shrewd 
24 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

spirit  of  mercantile  enterprise  and  speculation 
would  remain  dormant  in  this  state  of  affairs. 
Traders  in  every  part  of  Europe  were  alive  to  the 
advantages  to  be  derived  from  the  discovery  of  a 
new  route  of  transportation.  Several  efforts  were 
made,  and  in  some  few  cases  attended  with  im 
mense  profit  and  success,  to  communicate  with 
India  by  the  long  and  arduous  journey  round  the 
Black  Sea,  and  through  the  almost  unexplored  re 
gions  of  Circassia  and  Georgia.  The  far-off  shores 
of  the  Caspian  were  reached  by  some  travelling 
traders,  and  the  geographical  knowledge  they  circu 
lated  on  their  return  gave  a  new  impulse  to  the 
growing  spirit  of  adventure.  Apocryphal  as  the 
narratives  of  Marco  Polo  and  Mandeville  appeared, 
there  was  a  sufficient  mixture  of  truth  with  exag 
geration  to  stimulate  the  minds  of  men,  ever  greedy 
of  gain,  and  the  endless  wealth  of  the  Grand  Khan 
and  his  people  were  the  subjects  of  many  eager 
and  longing  anticipations. 

The  inventions  of  the  Compass  and  the  Astro 
labe,  while  they  increased  the  facilities  of  navi 
gators  most  opportunely,  added  greatly  to  the 
confidence  of  merchants.  They  began  to  perceive 
that  they  must,  in  future,  rely  mainly  upon  water 
carriage  in  transporting  their  goods,  and  ships 
and  seamen  multiplied  rapidly  in  consequence. 
Ability  to  define  their  position  with  accuracy  led 
mariners  to  undertake  longer  voyages,  and  at 
length  nautical  enterprise  was  powerfully  roused 
by  the  influence  of  a  sagacious  mind,  whose  ener 
gies  for  many  years  had  been  devoted  to  the 
elucidation  of  a  grand  problem.  This  was  no  less 
than  the  possibility  of  reaching  the  Indies  by  the 
circumnavigation  of  Africa. 

Prince  Henry  of  Portugal  is  justly  entitled  to 
the  grateful  remembrance  and  respect  of  the 
25 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

world.  The  character  which  is  given  by  Dr.  Rob 
ertson  of  this  truly  great  man  is  indeed  enviable. 
'•That  prince,"  he  says,  "added  to  the  martial 
spirit  which  was  the  characteristic  of  every  man  of 
noble  birth  at  that  time,  all  the  accomplishments 
of  a  more  enlightened  and  polished  age.  He  culti 
vated  the  arts  and  sciences,  which  were  then  un 
known  and  despised  by  persons  of  his  rank.  He 
applied  with  peculiar  fondness  to  the  study  of  geog 
raphy,  and  by  the  instruction  of  able  masters,  as 
well  as  by  the  accounts  of  travellers,  he  early  ac 
quired  such  knowledge  of  the  habitable  globe,  as 
discovered  the  great  probability  of  finding  new  and 
opulent  countries  by  sailing  along  the  coast  of 
Africa.  Such  an  object  was  formed  to  awaken  the 
enthusiasm  and  ardour  of  a  youthful  mind,  and 
he  engaged,  with  the  utmost  zeal,  to  patronize  a 
design  that  might  prove  as  beneficial  as  it  ap 
peared  to  be  splendid  and  honourable.  In  order 
that  he  might  be  able  to  pursue  this  great  scheme 
without  interruption,  he  retired  from  court  im 
mediately  after  his  return  from  Africa,  and  fixed 
his  residence  at  Sagres,  near  Cape  St.  Vincent, 
where  the  prospect  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean  invited 
his  thoughts  continually  towards  his  favourite 
project,  and  encouraged  him  to  execute  it.  In 
this  retreat  he  was  attended  by  some  of  the  most 
learned  men  in  his  country,  who  aided  him  in  his 
researches.  He  applied  for  information  to  the 
Moors  of  Barbary,  who  were  accustomed  to  travel 
by  land  into  the  interior  provinces  of  Africa,  in 
quest  of  ivory,  gold-dust,  and  other  rich  commodi 
ties.  He  consulted  the  Jews  settled  in  Portugal. 
By  promises,  rewards,  and  marks  of  respect,  he 
allured  into  his  service  several  persons,  foreigners 
as  well  as  Portuguese,  who  were  eminent  for  their 
skill  in  navigation.  In  taking  those  preparatory 
26 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

steps,  tke  great  abilities  of  the  Prince  were  sec 
onded  by  his  private  virtues.  His  integrity,  his  af 
fability,  his  respect  for  religion,  his  zeal  for  the 
honour  of  his  country,  engaged  persons  of  all 
ranks  to  applaud  his  design,  and  to  favour  the 
execution  of  it.  His  schemes  were  allowed  by  his 
countrymen  to  proceed  neither  from  ambition  nor 
the  desire  of  wealth,  but  to  flow  from  the  warm 
benevolence  of  a  heart  eager  to  promote  the 
happiness  of  mankind,  and  which  justly  entitled 
him  to  assume  a  motto  for  his  device  that  de 
scribed  the  quality  by  which  he  wished  to  be  dis 
tinguished.— The  talent  of  doing  good."* 

It  is  impossible  to  avoid  a  feeling  of  regret  that 
this  great  Prince  was  not  permitted  to  live  long 
enough  to  behold  all  his  ardent  aspirations  re 
alized.  When,  at  last,  in  the  year  1497,  Vasco  de 
Gama,  proceeding  from  the  port  of  Lisbon,  with 
four  ships,  coasted  the  shores  of  Africa  to  their 
farthest  extent,  and  doubled  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  he  must  have  regarded  with  veneration  the 
memory  of  the  able  and  patriotic  Prince  who 
first  prompted  to  the  design  he  had  now  brought 
to  such  a  glorious  conclusion.  It  is  worthy  of 
remark,  that  the  Portuguese  Admiral  found  in 
use,  among  the  mariners  of  the  Red  Sea  and  the 
Persian  Gulf,  a  nautical  instrument  answering, 
very  nearly,  the  description  of  the  astrolabe, 
which  that  noble  prince  had  so  recently  assisted 
in  perfecting  in  Portugal,  f 

*  Vide  Robertson's  History  of  America,  vol.  i.  p.  43,  44.  Thig 
volume  has  been  frequently  referred  to  while  this  chapter  was 
in  progress,  and  has  been  of  much  service,  which  is  gratefully 
acknowledged. 

t  Vasco  de  Gama  was  born  in  Portugal,  in  the  town  of  Synis. 

The  historians  who  have  recorded  his  discoveries  have  omitted 

to  give  many  particulars  of  his  life  previous  to  his  departure  for 

the  Indies.    It  was  the  current  opinion  at  the  time  De  Gama 

27 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

The  earliest  efforts  for  maritime  discovery  were 
of  the  most  trifling  nature,  and  impeded  by  the 
most  fanciful  fears  and  apprehensions.  Accus 
tomed  to  think  nothing  of  a  passage  across  the 
ocean,  the  mariners  of  the  present  day  can  have 
no  idea  how  extensive  and  important  appeared 
to  the  Portuguese  an  undertaking  to  explore  the 
coast  of  Africa  beyond  Cape  Non.  The  very  name 
of  the  Cape  itself,  was  indicative  of  the  impossi 
bility  of  sailing  beyond  it,  and  even  after  it  was 
passed,  more  than  twenty  years  elapsed  ere  the 
timid  navigators  ventured  beyond  the  rocky 
promontory  of  Bajador,  less  than  two  hundred 

sailed,  that  there  existed  on  the  eastern  shores  of  Africa  a  na 
tion  of  Christians  under  the  dominion  of  a  powerful  prince, 
whom  they  called  Prester  John,  and  the  Portuguese,  who  had 
so  recently  seen  the  magnificent  discoveries  of  Columbus  enur 
ing  to  the  benefit  of  Spain,  were  stimulated  to  a  determination 
of  finding  this  country,  which  they  imagined  would  bring  equal 
advantage  to  their  own  nation. 

De  Gama  set  sail  with  a  small  fleet  on  the  8th  of  July,  149T, 
and  arrived  on  the  17th  of  December  at  the  point  where  the  dis 
coveries  of  Diaz  had  ceased.  There  the  Portuguese  entered  the 
seas  of  India  for  the  first  time,  and  stretched  away  to  the 
North. 

In  the  early  part  of  March  he  arrived  before  the  city  of  Mo 
zambique,  then  inhabited  by  Moors  and  Mahometan  Arabs, 
under  the  dominion  of  a  prince  of  their  own  faith. 

These  people  carried  on  an  extensive  commerce  with  the  Red 
Sea,  and  the  hope  of  commercial  connection  with  a  new  people 
led  them  to  give  a  friendly  reception  to  De  Gama.  But  their 
friendship  was  of  short  duration,  and  as  soon  as  they  discovered 
them  to  be  Christians,  they  formed  a  plan  to  massacre  them. 
The  admiral,  however,  escaped  from  their  snares,  and  proceeded 
on  his  voyage,  touching  at  various  places,  until  he  arrived  at 
Calicut,  on  the  30th  of  May,  1498. 

This  was  the  richest  and  most  commercial  city  of  India  at  the 
time,  and  was  under  the  rule  of  a  monarch  called  Zamorin. 
Luckily  for  De  Gama,  he  found  there  a  Moor  who,  with  the  aid 
of  one  who  accompanied  the  fleet,  acted  as  interpreter,  and  was 
the  means  of  his  opening  a  communication  with  the  king.  The 
Portuguese  naturally  distrusted  the  faith  of  the  Mahometans ; 
28 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

miles  distant,  an  exploit,  which,  when  it  was  at 
last  accomplished,  was  proclaimed  over  Europe  as 
one  of  the  most  daring  and  intrepid  actions  ever 
recorded  in  the  pages  of  history. 

The  belief  which  generally  prevailed,  that  the  tor 
rid  zone  was  a  region  of  impassable  heat,  where 
no  vegetation  existed,  and  where  the  very  waters 
of  the  ocean  boiled  as  in  a  caldron,  under  the  in 
fluence  of  a  vertical  sun,  had  effectually  checked 
any  attempts  at  discovery;  and  as  the  Portu 
guese  penetrated  within  the  tropics,  the  sights 
they  saw,  all  tended  to  confirm  the  old  opinion. 

Beyond  the  Senegal  River  they  found  a  new  race 

but  their  commander  was  not  to  be  deterred  by  any  ordinary 
danger,  and  selecting  twelve  brave  men  from  the  fleet,  he 
landed. 

He  was  obliged  to  go  about  five  miles  into  the  interior  to  a 
country  palace  where  Zamorin  resided,  and  was  followed  through 
the  city  of  Calicut  by  an  immense  crowd  of  persons,  all  anxious 
to  gaze  at  the  newly-arrived  strangers.  He  was  at  first  received 
favourably,  but  after  awhile,  jealousies  and  suspicions  rose  in 
the  minds  of  the  natives,  and  rendered  it  necessary  to  re-embark 
and  set  sail  somewhat  suddenly  upon  his  return. 

After  refitting  his  ships  at  some  neighbouring  islands,  he 
steered  a  homeward  course,  stopping  on  his  way  back  at  Me- 
linda,  where  he  took  on  board  his  fleet  an  ambassador  to  the 
King  of  Portugal  from  the  ruler  of  that  country.  This  nation 
was  the  only  friendly  one  which  the  Portuguese  found  in  India. 

The  fleet  doubled  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  once  more  in  March, 
H9S,  and  arrived  in  Lisbon  in  September  of  the  same  year,  after 
an  absence  of  more  than  two  years. 

Emmanuel  received  De  Gama  with  the  greatest  honours  and 
magnificence,  and  created  him  Admiral  of  the  Indies.  The  ad 
miral  subsequently  made  another  voyage  with  a  powerful  armed 
fleet  to  the  Indies,  and  compelled  by  force  of  arms  his  old  en 
emy,  Zamorin,  to  admit  of  Portuguese  establishments  in  his 
dominions.  He  was  afterwards  created  Viceroy  of  the  Indies, 
but  died  soon  after  his  arrival  from  his  third  voyage  to  take  con 
trol  of  his  new  dominions. 

A  history  of  his  discoveries  was  written  by  Barros,  and  pub 
lished  im  1628.    Camoens,  it  is  well  known,  made  him  the  sub 
ject  of  his  Lusiad.— Bwg.  Univ.,  t.  xvi.,  p.  398-404. 
29 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

of  beings,  with  complexions  black  as  ebony,  with 
hair  crisped  as  though  burnt,  with  features  flat 
and  inexpressive,  and  evidently  possessing  intel 
ligence  vastly  inferior  to  their  own.  This  was  all 
attributed  to  the  fatal  influence  of  the  climate, 
and  they  dreaded  any  further  exploration,  lest  by 
some  sudden  catastrophe  they  also  might  be  re 
duced  to  the  state  in  which  they  found  the  un 
happy  denizens  of  Africa. 

The  active  and  capacious  mind  of  Prince  Henry 
alone  opposed  itself  to  the  representations  which 
they  made  to  him.  The  discoveries  which  they 
had  already  made,  served  to  undermine  his  con 
fidence  in  the  views  of  the  ancient  geographers, 
and  supported  in  his  determination  by  his  brother 
Pedro,  who  then  ruled  in  Portugal,  as  guardian 
of  his  minor  nephew,  Alphonso,  he  persevered  in 
his  plans  with  eagerness. 

One  circumstance  contributed  materially  to  ani 
mate  the  hearts  of  the  Portuguese  navigators, 
which  must  not  be  overlooked.  Well  knowing 
the  effect  which  an  apparent  sanction  of  his  move 
ments  by  the  Church  would  have  upon  the  bigoted 
minds  of  his  countrymen,  Prince  Henry  applied 
directly  to  the  Head  of  the  Church,  and,  by  repre 
senting  the  labours  and  religious  zeal  with  which 
he  had  exerted  himself  for  many  years  to  discover 
unknown  regions  then  sunk  in  the  darkness  of 
Paganism,  with  a  view  to  their  conversion  to  the 
true  faith,  he  obtained  from  the  Pope  a  Bull,  con 
ferring  upon  the  crown  of  Portugal  the  exclusive 
right  of  dominion  over  all  the  countries  which  they 
might  discover  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  as  far  as 
the  Indies.  Absurd  as  this  grant  appears  at  the 
present  day,  no  power  then  existed  that  disputed 
the  right  of  the  papal  see  to  make  it,  or  that 
ventured  to  interfere  with  it.  The  religious  zeal 
30 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

of  the  discoverers  was  highly  inflamed  by  the  en 
comiums  bestowed  upon  them,  and  they  were  en 
couraged  to  prosecute  their  undertakings  by  a 
new  and  powerful  motive. 

In  1463  the  cause  of  discovery  received  a  se 
vere  blow  in  the  death  of  Prince  Henry.  From 
that  time  until  the  accession  of  John  II.  to  the 
throne  of  Portugal,  little  worthy  of  note  was 
added  to  the  maritime  knowledge  of  the  world. 
The  new  monarch,  however,  entered  at  once  into 
the  schemes  of  his  grand  uncle,  and  revived  them 
with  great  vigour.  Powerful  fleets  were  despatched 
from  time  to  time;  forts  were  erected  along  the 
African  coast,  and  at  length  when  the  line  was 
crossed,  the  delusions  which  had  long  held  the 
minds  of  men  in  bondage,  were  dissipated.  Two 
great  errors  of  the  ancients  were  exposed :  the 
first,  that  respecting  the  unconquerable  heat  of 
the  tropics;  the  second,  that  the  continent  of 
Africa  increased  in  breadth  as  it  extended  to  the 
south. 

The  return  of  Bartholomew  Diaz,  a  mariner 
of  great  sagacity  and  boldness,  who,  in  1486, 
had  coasted  the  shores  over  a  thousand  miles, 
and  finally  reached  the  southernmost  point  of 
Africa,  filled  the  sanguine  mind  of  the  king  with 
the  warmest  hopes  of  success.  In  the  plenitude  of 
his  joy,  and  confident  that  he  had  at  last  at 
tained  the  great  object  of  his  enterprises,  he  re 
named  the  promontory  which  Diaz  had  appro 
priately  designated,  Cabo  Tormentoeo,  or  the 
Stormy  Cape,  and  gave  it  the  more  euphonious 
and  attractive  title,  The  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

Active  preparations  were  immediately  commenced 

to  bring  to  a  conclusion  their  long  and  arduous 

labours.    But,  notwithstanding  the  skill  which  the 

Portuguese  sailors  had  gained,  the  reports  which 

31 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

the  companions  of  Diaz  widely  circulated  filled  the 
minds  of  all  with  fear,  and  some  years  elapsed  be 
fore  they  were  sufficiently  calmed  to  take  advan 
tage  of  the  knowledge  already  acquired.  While 
the  possibility  of  doubling  in  safety  a  cape,  washed 
by  seas  so  tempestuous,  was  eagerly  debated. 
Europe  was  electrified  by  the  astounding  discovery 
of  a  new  world  in  the  Western  Ocean,  a  direction 
which  the  boldest  in  nautical  affairs  had  hitherto 
scarcely  dared  to  contemplate. 

The  impetus  which  was  given  to  the  spirit  of 
discovery  by  these  voyages  of  the  Portuguese, 
may  be  compared  with  the  vast  conceptions,  and 
magnificent  projects,  which  have  followed  the  ap 
plication  of  the  power  of  steam  in  the  present 
day.  The  public  mind  was  excited  beyond  measure, 
and  the  wildest  tales  of  imaginary  regions  beyond 
the  trackless  waste  of  waters,  hitherto  unexplored, 
found  ready  and  enthusiastic  believers,  who  were 
willing  to  peril  life  and  reputation  in  efforts  to 
test  their  truth.  As  is  almost  always  the  case, 
those  who  were  most  earnest  in  their  faith,  pos 
sessed  the  smallest  means  to  carry  out  their 
views. 

But  their  day  of  success  was  fast  approaching. 
The  science  of  cosmography  became  the  favourite 
subject  of  speculation  among  philosophers  and 
learned  men,  affording,  as  it  did,  a  brilliant  field 
for  the  imagination,  and,  at  the  same  time,  an 
opportunity  of  deep  research.  The  works  of  an 
cient  writers  were  ardently  sought  for.  and  dili 
gently  collated ;  the  vague  hypotheses  of  some  of 
the  old  geographers  were  revived ;  theories  which 
had  lain  undisturbed  beneath  the  dust  of  ages  were 
brought  to  light  again;  and,  when  compared  with 
the  accounts  of  Eastern  travellers,  lent  a  semblance 
of  truth  to  the  dim  visions  of  distant  islands  in  the 
32 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Atlantic,  which  haunted  the  minds  of  navigators ; 
the  coast  of  Africa  gave  immense  scope  to  nautical 
enterprise,  and  the  court  of  Portugal,  hitherto 
hardly  known  in  Europe,  became  at  once  the  re 
sort  of  hardy  adventurers  from  all  nations,  while 
the  kingdom  rose  immediately  from  the  inferior 
position  it  had  previously  occupied,  to  one  of  the 
greatest  importance.  Lisbon  was  in  a  continual 
fever  of  excitement,  which  affected  all  classes  of 
society,  and  the  constant  succession  of  new  ex 
peditions  which  were  fitted  out  were  eagerly  joined 
by  men  of  rank  and  celebrity,  as  well  as  the  more 
common  class  of  mariners. 

The  idea  of  a  passage  by  the  west  to  India  was 
not,  even  at  that  time,  one  of  recent  date.  Va 
rious  indefinite  accounts  were  current  of  seamen 
driven  by  tempestuous  gales  far  out  of  their 
course,  who,  on  their  return,  had  reported  that 
they  had  fallen  in  with  land,  which  was  supposed 
to  be  a  part  of  the  islands  on  the  eastern  coast 
of  India.  The  re-discovery  of  the  Grand  Canaries, 
in  the  fourteenth  century,  the  Fortunate  Islands 
of  the  ancients,  from  which  Ptolemy  calculated 
longitude,  had  familiarized  navigators  with  the 
wide  waters  of  the  Atlantic,  and  occasionally,  for 
a  century  past,  they  had  ventured  even  farther 
out  on  the  ocean,  in  the  doubtful  hope  of  meeting 
with  the  fabled  Atalantis  of  Plato,  or  the  equally 
visionary  islands  of  the  Seven  Cities  and  St.  Bran- 
dan.*  Each  of  these  phantasies  found  firm  be- 

*  The  fabulous  history  of  both  of  these  islands  is  full  of  ro 
mantic  interest,  which  the  reader  may  gratify  by  the  perusal  of 
Mr.  Irving's  account  of  them  in  the  appendix  to  his  history  of 
Columbus.  A  short  sketch  is  all  that  our  space  admits,  and  is 
abridged  from  that  work. 

The  story  which  was  current  at  the  time  of  Columbus,  re 
specting  the  Island  of  the  Seven  Cities,  was  to  this  effect.  When 
the  Moors  overran  and  conquered  the  countries  of  Spain  and 
2  88 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

lievers,  and  the  age  required  only  a  master-mind 
to  arrange  the  crude  imaginings  which  were  rife, 
and  direct  them  to  a  useful  end.  Such  a  mind 
existed. 

For  many  years  previous  to  his  first  voyage, 
Columbus  pondered  over  the  idea  of  a  western 
passage  to  India;  he  collected  by  degrees  all  the 
information  which  was  to  be  derived  from  the 
works  of  the  ancients,  and  from  the  accounts  of 

Portugal,  seven  bishops  of  the  Christian  church  fled  by  sea,  and 
abandoning  themselves  to  the  waves,  were  cast  upon  an  island 
in  the  midst  of  the  ocean,  where  they  destroyed  their  ships  to 
prevent  the  desertion  of  their  followers,  and  founded  seven 
cities.  This  story  was  very  generally  credited  at  the  time  of 
Prince  Henry,  who  was  said  to  have  received  accounts  of  the 
island  from  some  Portuguese  sailors,  and  in  the  maps  of  the  era 
it  was  located  in  the  Atlantic  under  the  name  of  Antilla. 

The  origin  of  the  belief  in  the  Island  of  St.  Brandan  is  still 
more  singular.  It  was  supposed  by  many  to  be  identical  with 
the  Island  of  the  Seven  Cities,  and  originated  in  a  very  remark 
able  optical  delusion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Canaries.  They 
imagined  that  in  clear  weather  they  could  see  from  the  summits 
of  their  highest  hills,  an  island,  apparently  about  ninety  leagues 
in  length,  and  varying  in  distance  from  the  point  of  view  from 
fifteen  to  one  hundred  leagues,  according  to  the  accounts  of 
different  persons.  The  name  was  derived  from  that  of  a  Scotch 
abbot,  St.  Borondon,  who  went  with  a  numerous  train  of  monks 
and  enthusiasts,  as  the  tale  was  told,  in  search  of  a  terrestrial 
paradise  in  the  ocean,  and  who  at  last  were  thrown  upon  this 
island. 

It  is  astonishing  how  many  expeditions  were  fitted  out  and 
sailed  in  search  of  this  imaginary  country,  but  it  always  eluded 
the  pursuit  of  the  navigators.  Even  as  late  as  the  year  1721  a 
fleet  was  sent  in  search  of  it,  and  in  1755  it  still  figured  in  some 
geographical  charts.  In  a  letter  written  by  a  Franciscan  monk 
from  the  Island  of  Goinara  in  1759,  it  is  distinctly  described  as 
having  been  seen  by  himself  and  upwards  of  forty  witnesses, 
whom  he  called  to  verify  his  own  eyesight.  He  describes  it  as 
consisting  of  two  high  mountains,  with  a  valley  between,  and 
when  viewed  through  a  telescope,  the  ravine  appeared  filled 
with  trees  and  verdure.  A  belief  in  the  existence  of  this  island 
is  still  prevalent  among  the  more  superstitious  of  the  lower 
classes  in  the  Canaries. 

34 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

certain  recent  travellers  who  had  penetrated  the 
countries  of  Eastern  Asia,  far  beyond  the  regions 
described  by  Ptolemy.  The  narrations  of  Marco 
Polo  and  Mandeville,  who  visited  Asia  in  the 
thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  and  gave 
marvellous  accounts  of  the  wealth  and  grandeur 
of  the  potentates  who  inhabited  those  unknown 
countries,  were  diligently  studied  and  connected 
with  more  trifling  evidence.  The  inhabitants  of 
the  newly  discovered  Canaries,  or  of  the  Azores, 
had  found  on  their  shores  pieces  of  wood  strangely 
carved,  or  of  trees  unknown  in  Europe,  and  once. 
it  was  said,  there  had  come  to  their  islands  two 
messengers  from  the  far-off  land,  whose  swollen 
and  disfigured  lips,  could  they  have  spoken,  might 
have  told  of  a  new  race  of  beings  and  a  new 
world.  They  were  speechless  corpses,  yet  their 
lineaments  were  strange,  and  it  was  evident  that 
the  blood  which  had  once  circulated  in  their  veins, 
came  not  from  the  same  source  as  that  of  the 
wondering  islanders. 

Columbus  gave  heed  to  these  and  many  other 
similar  circumstances,  and  his  views  were  strength 
ened  almost  to  certainty  by  the  receipt  of  a  letter 
from  a  learned  cosmographer  of  Florence,  by 
name  Paolo  Toscanelli.  with  whom  he  had  opened 
a  correspondence,  and  who  had  sent  him  a  map 
projected  according  to  Ptolemy  in  part,  and  in 

Unwilling  to  disbelieve  what  appears  to  them  to  be  the  evi 
dence  of  their  senses,  they  prefer  to  attribute  the  impossibility 
of  reaching  it  to  supernatural  causes,  and  maintain  that  it  is  in 
accessible  to  mortals.  If  such  sights  are  still  seen,  they  are  un 
doubtedly  the  effects  of  atmospherical  deceptions,  similar  to  that 
of  the  Fata  Morgana,  seen  at  times  in  the  Straits  of  Messina, 
where  the  town  of  Reggio  is  reflected  in  the  air  above  the  sea. 
The  inhabitants  on  the  borders  of  the  great  American  lakes 
sometimes  witness  a  phenomenon  very  similar,  when  the  Cana 
dian  shore  is  distinctly  visible,  though  at  a  distance  beyond  the 
possibility  of  actual  observation. 
35 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

part  from  the  accounts  of  Marco  Polo.*  Therein 
appeared  the  eastern  regions  of  Asia,  invitingly 
pictured  at  a  few  days'  sail  from  the  western 
shores  of  Europe,  while,  as  stopping-places  for  the 
weary  navigator,  at  convenient  distances  lay  the 
wealthy  islands  of  Cipango  and  Antilla. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  researches 
which  Columbus  was  engaged  in,  left  him  ignorant 

*  Toscanelli  (Paul  del  Pozzo)  or  Paul  the  Physician,  was 
born  at  Florence  in  1397.  He  devoted  himself  with  great  ardour 
to  the  study  of  astronomy,  and  became  so  celebrated  for  his 
learning  that  at  the  age  of  thirty  years,  in  1438,  he  was  appointed 
one  of  the  curators  of  the  valuable  library  which  Niccoli  had 
placed  under  the  care  of  the  most  illustrous  citizens  of  Florence. 

The  reading  of  the  travels  of  Marco  Polo  excited  the  imagi 
nation  of  Toscanelli,  who  compared  his  accounts  with  the  infor 
mation  he  derived  from  some  Eastern  merchants,  and  pondered 
incessantly  upon  the  means  of  opening  a  communication  with 
the  magnificent  countries  which  he  described. 

After  a  while  he  conceived  the  idea  of  a  passage  by  the  west, 
and  in  reply  to  the  letter  of  Columbus,  who,  hearing  of  his 
learning,  wrote  to  consult  him,  he  sent  a  long  explanatory  let 
ter,  accompanied  by  a  hydrographical  chart. 

On  this  chart  a  line  was  projected  from  Lisbon,  on  the  western 
extremity  of  Europe,  to  the  great  city  of  Quinsai,  on  the  oppo 
site  shores  of  Asia.  This  line  was  divided  into  twenty-six  spaces 
of  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  each,  making  the  total  distance 
between  the  two  cities  sixty-five  hundred  miles,  being,  as  Tos 
canelli  supposed,  one-third  of  the  circumference  of  the  earth. 
His  ideas  took  strong  hold  of  the  mind  of  Columbus,  and  influ 
enced  him  in  all  his  voyages. 

In  consequence  of  his  constant  study  of  the  heavenly  bodies, 
many  of  the  superstitious  of  his  day  were  disposed  to  look  upon 
him  as  an  astrologer,  but  he  did  nothing  to  encourage  the  no 
tion,  and  was  free  from  any  of  the  absurd  views  which  many 
astronomers  still  kept  alive.  He  replied  to  those  who  questioned 
him  on  the  subject,  that  he  found  in  his  own  case  a  proof  of  the 
fallacy  of  astrological  calculations,  for  he  had  attained  to  a  great 
age  in  spite  of  the  constellations  which  figured  in  his  horoscope, 
and  which  all  predicted  an  early  death.  Notwithstanding  his 
longevity,  he  did  not  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  the  dis 
coveries  of  Columbus.  He  died  at  Florence,  15th  of  May,  1482. 
— BioQ.  Univ.,  torn,  xlvi.,  p.  303-305. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

of  the  wild  accounts  of  the  discoveries  of  the 
Northmen,  some  centuries  before.  Mysterious 
legendary  tales,  of  a  land  beyond  the  Thule  of 
the  ancients,  must  have  reached  his  ears.  He 
sailed  himself,  in  1477,  in  the  direction  indicated 
by  the  Scandinavian  mariners.  If  the  antiquarian 
researches  of  the  nineteenth  century  are  to  be 
credited,  these  ad  venturous  voyagers  were  not  con 
tented  with  the  discovery  of  Greenland  and  Vin- 
land,  but  coasted  the  shores  of  North  America  to 
a  low  latitude,  and  left  upon  the  rocks  of  New- 
England  sculptured  evidence  of  their  daring  navi 
gation.  But  whatever  reliance  may  be  placed 
upon  the  accounts  of  their  voyages  now,  in  the 
days  of  Columbus  they  were  effectually  lost  to  the 
world,  and  were  of  no  more  advantage  to  him 
in  the  prosecution  of  his  plans,  than  the  wildest 
tales  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Canaries.* 

The  mention  of  Columbus  naturally  brings  to 
mind  other  navigators  of  his  own  country  and 
epoch.  It  would  reasonably  be  supposed  that 
those  nations  whose  extended  commerce  gave 
them  the  greatest  opportunities  to  acquire  famili 
arity  with  nautical  affairs  would  have  derived  the 
widest  benefit  from  the  experience  of  their  citizens, 
but  such  was  not  the  case.  It  is  worthy  of  re 
mark,  that  while  all  the  prominent  powers  of 
Europe  availed  themselves  of  the  services  of  Ital 
ian  navigators  in  prosecuting  the  discovery  of  new 
regions,  and  in  acquiring  new  possessions ;  not  a 
foot  of  territory  was  obtained  by  any  of  the  gov 
ernments  of  that  country.  The  skill  in  nautical 
science,  which  the  citizens  of  her  republics  had  ac 
quired  in  the  course  of  a  long  and  prosperous 
career  of  mercantile  enterprise,  was  rendered  en- 

*  The  following  account  of  the  celebrated  Dighton  Rock,  one 

of  the  most  remarkable  remains  alluded  to,  is  extracted  from  a 

37 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

tirely  useless  to  them  by  the  petty  feuds  and  fac 
tions  which  occupied  the  attention  of  their  rulers. 
Venice,  Genoa,  Florence,  and  Pisa,  though  fully 
awake  to  the  importance  of  the  undertakings 
which  were  in  progress,  and  sensible  that  their 
success  would  inevitably  be  the  beginning  of  ruin  to 
their  own  commerce,  were  yet  so  much  engrossed  in 
the  unfortunate  conflicts  of  the  times,  they  heeded 

letter  addressed  by  Thomas  H.  Webb,  Esq.,  Secretary  of  Rhode 
Island  Historical  Society,  to  the  Royal  Society  of  Northern  An 
tiquarians,  which  is  published  in  their  great  work  on  the  sub 
ject  of  Scandinavian  remains  in  America. 

PROVIDENCE,  R.  I.,  Sept.  38, 1880. 

*  *  *  *  That  the  existence  of  the  continent  of 
America  was  known  to  European  nations  at  a  period  anterior 
to  the  voyages  of  Columbus,  has  long  been  the  received  opinion 
of  many  of  our  most  learned  antiquaries.  In  the  western  parts 
of  our  country  may  still  be  seen  numerous  and  extensive 
mounds  similar  to  the  tumuli  met  with  in  Scandinavia,  Tartary, 
and  Russia ;  also  the  remains  of  fortifications  that  must  have 
required  for  their  construction  a  degree  of  industry,  labour,  and 
skill,  as  well  as  an  advancement  in  the  arts,  that  never  charac 
terized  any  of  the  Indian  tribes.  Various  articles  of  pottery 
are  found  in  them,  with  the  method  of  manufacturing  which 
they  were  entirely  unacquainted.  But,  above  all,  many  rocks 
inscribed  with  unknown  characters,  apparently  of  very  ancient 
origin,  have  been  discovered,  scattered  through  different  parts 
of  the  country— rocks,  the  constituent  parts  of  which  are  such 
as  to  render  it  almost  impossible  to  engrave  on  them  such  writ 
ings,  without  the  aid  of  iron,  or  other  hard  metallic  instruments. 
The  Indians  were  ignorant  of  the  existence  of  these  rocks,  and 
the  manner  of  working  with  iron  they  learned  of  the  Europeans 
after  the  settlement  of  the  country  by  the  English.  *  *  * 
A  rock  similar  to  those  alluded  to  above,  lies  in  our  vicinity. 
It  is  situated  about  six  and  one-half  miles  south  of  Taunton,  on 
the  east  side  of  Taunton  River,  a  few  feet  from  the  shore,  and  on 
the  west  side  of  Assonet  Neck,  in  the  town  of  Berkeley,  County 
of  Bristol,  and  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts :  althougn  prob 
ably  from  the  fact  of  being  generally  visited  from  the  opposite 
side  of  the  river,  which  is  in  Dighton,  it  has  always  been  known 
by  the  name  of  the  Dighton  Writing  Rock.  It  faces  north 
west  toward  the  bed  of  the  river,  and  is  covered  by  the  water 
two  or  three  feet  at  toe  highest,  and  is  left  ten  or  twelve  feet 
88 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

not  the  warnings  which  occasionally  reached  them. 
While  Columbus  was  giving  a  new  world  to  Cas 
tile,  while  Sebastian  Cabot  projected  immense 
and  promising  plans  of  vast  commercial  advan 
tage  to  England,  for  which  that  country  owes 
him  a  debt  of  imperishable  gratitude;  while  Ves- 
pucius,  in  the  service  of  Portugal  and  Spain, 
added  immeasurable  regions  to  the  dominion  of 
both  powers,  and  while  Verazzani,  another  noble 

from  it  at  the  lowest  tides.  It  is  also  completely  immersed  twice 
in  twenty-four  hours.  The  rock  does  not  occur  in  situ,  but 
shows  indubitable  evidence  of  having  occupied  the  spot  where 
it  now  rests,  since  the  period  of  that  great  and  extensive  disrup 
tion,  which  was  followed  by  the  transportation  of  immense 
boulders  to,  and  a  deposit  of  them  in,  places  at  a  vast  distance 
from  their  original  beds.  It  is  a  mass  of  well-characterized, 
flne-grained  greywacke.  Its  true  colour,  as  exhibited  by  a  fresh 
fracture,  is  a  bluish  grey. 

There  is  no  rock  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  which 
would  at  all  answer  as  a  substitute  for  the  purpose  for  which 
the  one  bearing  the  inscription  was  selected,  as  they  are  aggre 
gates  of  the  large  conglomerate  variety.  Its  face,  measured  at 
the  base,  is  eleven  feet  and  an  half,  and  in  height  it  is  a  little 
rising  five  feet.  The  upper  surface  forms  with  the  horizon  an 
inclined  plane  of  about  sixty  degrees.  The  whole  of  the  face  is 
covered,  to  within  a  few  inches  of  the  ground,  with  unknown 
hieroglyphics.  There  appears  little  or  no  method  in  the  ar 
rangement  of  them.  The  lines  are  from  half  an  inch  to  an  inch 
in  width,  and  in  depth  generally  one-third  of  an  inch,  though 
generally  very  superficial.  They  were,  inferring  from  the 
rounded  elevations  and  intervening  depressions,  pecked  in  upon 
the  rock,  and  not  chiselled  or  smoothly  cut  out. 

The  marks  of  human  power  and  manual  labour  are  indelibly 
stamped  upon  it.  No  one  who  examines  attentively  the  work 
manship  will  believe  it  to  have  been  done  by  the  Indians.  More 
over,  it  is  a  well-attested  fact,  that  nowhere  throughout  our 
wide-spread  domain  is  a  single  instance  of  their  recording,  or 
having  recorded,  their  deeds  or  history  on  stone.— Antiqui- 
tates  Americance,  p.  356-358. 

The  work  from  which  the  above  is  taken  contains  evidence, 
collected  with  great  pains  and  ability,  and  proving  conclusively 
the  discoveries  of  the  Northmen,  and  will  well  repay  the  anti 
quarian  reader.  It  Is  published  in  the  Danish  language,  with  a 
Latin  translation  subjoined. 

39 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Florentine,  braved  the  dangers  of  the  Atlantic, 
and  coasted  the  shores  of  the  New  World,  in  the 
employment  of  France,  they  all  remained  pas 
sive  spectators  of  the  progress  of  discovery,  and. 
as  it  were,  unconcerned  at  their  own  impending 
fate. 

What  a  lesson  for  the  statesmen  and  philoso 
phers  of  modern  times  does  the  position  of  the 
Italian  States,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  present  1 
Divided  among  theiaselves,  they  possessed  no 
external  power,  and  expended  all  their  resources 
in  contemptible  efforts  to  add  a  few  roods  of 
ground  to  the  territories  of  their  own  particular 
cities  and  principalities,  at  the  expense  of  some 
weaker  neighbour,  while  continents  were  divided 
among  the  more  sagacious  nations  of  Europe. 
Even  Rome,  once  the  mistress  of  the  world,  dis 
played  her  pitiable  imbecility,  in  grants  of  do 
mains  more  extensive  than  the  broadest  empires 
of  the  Caesars,  and  reposed  sluggishly  upon  her 
seven  hills,  while  greater  prizes  than  ever  before 
had  tempted  her,  were  within  her  grasp. 

How  different  would  have  been  the  case  had 
a  federative  union  subsisted  in  Italy  in  the 
fifteenth  century  I  Each  separate  province,  linked 
with  the  others  in  bonds  of  common  interest  and 
unity,  and  directing  their  joint  efforts  for  the  com 
mon  good,  Genoese,  Florentine,  and  Venetian,  all 
alike  Italians  !  Once  more  might  Italy  have  been 
the  centre  of  the  universe,  and  Rome  have  received 
the  tribute  of  the  world. 

A  short  sketch  of  the  lives  of  Verazzani  and 
Cabot  may  not  be  without  interest  to  the  reader, 
and  is  given  in  this  place,  although  both  are  wor 
thy  of  a  more  elaborate  notice. 

Giovanni  Verazzani,  a  Florentine  navigator,  was 
born  towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century. 
40 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

He  was  of  noble  descent,  and  was  employed  by 
Francis  I.  to  make  discoveries  in  the  northern 
part  of  America.  Authors  differ  concerning  the 
date  of  his  departure ;  but  it  appears  that  he  went 
to  sea  before  the  month  of  July,  in  the  year  1524. 
since,  on  the  8th  of  that  month,  he  wrote  a  letter 
to  the  French  monarch,  informing  him.  that,  in 
consequence  of  a  violent  gale,  he  had  been  obliged 
to  put  back  into  a  port  of  Brittany. 

On  the  17th  of  January,  in  the  same  year,  he 
set  sail  with  the  frigate  Dauphin,  which  he  com 
manded,  from  a  desert  island  near  Madeira, 
where  he  had  previously  come  to  anchor.  After 
having  experienced  a  violent  hurricane,  he 
coasted  the  shores  of  some  parts  of  North 
America. 

His  letters  give  a  curious  description  of  the  sav 
ages  he  met  with,  and  of  the  plants,  birds,  and 
animals  of  the  unknown  region.  His  discoveries 
were  considered  highly  important  at  the  time,  as 
he  visited  more  than  seven  hundred  leagues  of 
coast,  running  from  30  north  latitude  as  far  as 
Newfoundland.  It  is  said,  by  some  authorities, 
that  he  met  with  a  horrible  fate  on  these  inhos 
pitable  shores;  having  been  taken,  with  many 
of  his  companions,  and  roasted  alive  by  the  In 
dians.  Others,  however,  with  less  appearance 
of  truth,  say  that  he  was  taken  prisoner  by 
the  Spaniards,  who  sent  him  to  Madrid,  where 
he  was  hung. 

In  the  library  of  the  Palazzo  Strozzi,  at  Flor 
ence,  is  preserved  a  cosmographical  description  of 
the  coasts  and  countries  which  Yerazzani  visited, 
while  seeking  for  a  passage  to  the  East  Indies  bv 
the  north,  which  was  the  great  object  of  his  voy 
ages,  as  it  was  of  almost  all  the  enterprises  of  the 
day.  An  account  of  his  voyage,  which  was  origi- 
41 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

nally  sent  by  him  to  the  King  of  France,  may  be 
found  in  the  collection  of  Ramusio.* 

Sebastian  Cabot  was  born  in  Bristol,  England, 
in  1467,  whither  his  father,  John  Cabot,  had  gone 
from  Venice,  to  propose  to  the  king  a  scheme  for 
the  discovery  of  a  passage  to  Cathay  and  the 
East  Indies.  The  whole  family,  consisting  of  the 
father  and  his  three  sons,  were  treated  with  great 
attention  by  Henry  VII. 

An  authentic  decree  is  extant,  dated  March  5th, 
1495,  in  which  that  king  grants  to  hi  and  his 
children  the  liberty  of  navigating  in  all  seas  under 
the  English  flag,  and  authorizes  him  to  form  es 
tablishments  and  build  forts,  ceding  to  him  and 
his  heirs  a  monopoly  of  commerce  in  all  the  coun 
tries  he  might  discover. 

The  only  fragments  of  any  voyages  made  by  this 
family  of  navigators  which  have  been  preserved, 
mention  the  name  of  Sebastian  alone.  It  seems 
that,  setting  sail  from  England,  he  chose  the 
northwest  route,  and  fell  in  with  land  which  tended 
to  the  north.  He  endeavoured  to  discover  a  gulf 
stretching  to  the  west,  but  after  sailing  as  high  as 
56°  north  latitude,  and  finding  that  the  course  of 
the  land  was  easterly,  he  despaired  of  meeting 
with  a  passage,  and  turned  in  a  southerly  di 
rection  and  proceeded  as  far  as  the  southernmost 
Cape  of  Florida. 

Ramusio  gives  no  account  of  the  voyages  of  Se 
bastian  Cabot,  but  contents  himself  with  quoting, 
in  the  preface  to  his  third  volume,  a  passage  from 
a  letter  which  he  had  received  from  him.    It  ap 
pears  to  be  from  the  pen  of  a  man  of  much  experi 
ence  and  uncommon  acquirements  in  the  arts  of 
navigation   and  cosmography.    Subsequently  he 
transcribes  part  of  his  letter,  from  which  it  ap- 
*  Vide  Biographic  Universelle,  torn,  xlviii.  p.  158. 
42 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

pears  that  Cabot  advanced  as  far  as  67°  north 
latitude  and  sailed  behind  many  of  the  islands 
which  he  found  upon  the  coast.  Peter  Martyr 
relates,  in  his  History  of  the  East  Indies,  that 
Cabot  met  with  icebergs,  which  impeded  his  prog 
ress  towards  the  north.  The  same  author  adds, 
that  in  this  part  of  the  sea  there  was  no  night, 
and  that  at  midnight  it  was  possible  to  see  with 
as  much  distinctness  as  in  the  twilight  of  other 
countries. 

If  these  accounts  can  be  relied  upon,  it  would 
seem  that  Cabot  had  gone  as  far  as  Hudson's 
Bay,  but  it  is  more  probable  that  he  only  pen 
etrated  the  Gulf  and  River  of  St.  Lawrence. 

After  having  made  these  discoveries  for  the  King 
of  England,  Cabot  went  to  Spain  and  made  sev 
eral  voyages  in  Spanish  vessels,  in  one  of  which  he 
ascended  the  River  La  Plata.  At  the  death  of 
Vespucius.  in  1512,  he  succeeded  him  in  the  office 
of  chief  pilot.  This  office  he  only  held  a  short 
time;  but,  disgusted  with  the  ignoble  commence 
ment  of  the  reign  of  Charles  V.,  he  returned  to 
England,  where  he  found  honourable  employment 
under  Henry  VIII.,  and  performed  another  west 
erly  voyage  in  1517,  which,  however,  resulted  un 
successfully.  In  1518  he  again  went  to  Spain, 
but  finally  returned  to  England  to  end  his  days. 
There  he  exercised  a  general  superintendence  of 
the  English  maritime  expeditions,  receiving  a 
handsome  salary. 

It  was  at  his  instigation  that  the  important 
expedition  was  undertaken  which  resulted  in  the 
opening  of  a  trade  with  Russia ;  and  in  the  char 
ter  of  the  company  of  merchants,  which  was 
granted  by  the  government,  his  name  was  men 
tioned  as  "the  chiefest  setter  forth"  of  the  project. 
Cabot  lived  to  a  very  advanced  age.  and  died  in 
43 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

London ;  but  neither  the  date  of  his  death  nor  the 
place  of  his  interment  is  authentically  known. 

On  his  last  voyage  he  satisfied  himself  that  the 
variation  of  the  needle  was  regulated  by  fixed 
natural  laws,  and  disclosed  his  discovery  of  the 
principles  of  that  remarkable  phenomenon  to 
Edward  VI.  on  his  return.  This  discovery  alone 
should  render  his  name  immortal.* 

In  reading  the  pages  of  history,  it  is  impossible 
not  to  be  struck  with  the  prevalence,  or,  so  to 
speak,  the  pre-eminence,  of  particular  ideas  and 
phases  in  particular  epochs.  In  all  the  works 
originating  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centu 
ries,  which  have  come  down  to  modern  times,  the 
Crusades  and  Crusaders  are  almost  inevitably  con 
stant  themes.  This  is  but  an  example,  but  the 
same  remark  applies  equally  well  to  other  periods 
of  the  world.  For  a  while  the  Reformation  weighed 
down  the  pens  of  authors,  and  all  their  writings 
were,  as  it  seemed  involuntarily,  tinged  with  the 
colouring  of  that  great  event.  In  this  nineteenth 
century,  who  does  not  recognize  the  marked  effect 
of  that  most  astonishing  of  all  the  astonishing 
occurrences  in  the  annals  of  nations,  the  French 
Revolution?  Thus  it  was  in  the  sixteenth  cen 
tury.  One  great  idea  filled  the  minds  of  men,  and 
was  made  as  familiar  as  household  words  in  all 
the  writings  of  the  era.  It  appeared  in  all  shapes, 
and  scarcely  a  volume  was  written  that  was  not 
sympathetically  infected  with  it,  to  a  greater  or 
less  degree.  It  was  the  great  event  of  the  discov 
ery  of  a  new  world. 

How  fortunate  it  was  for  succeeding  ages  that 

this  discovery  took  place  at  a  period  when  the 

revival   of  letters   and   civilization  had  brought 

forth  authors  competent  to  record  the  remark- 

*  Biog.  Univ.  Art.  Cabot. 

44 


AMER1CUS  VESPUCIUS. 

able  events  which  attended  it  with  accuracy  and 
judgment !  The  fall  of  the  Eastern  Empire  not 
only  shifted  the  current  of  the  commerce  and  en 
terprise  of  the  world  from  the  course  in  which  it 
had  flowed  for  ages,  but  it  was  the  means  of  bring 
ing  to  the  light  of  day  valuable  stores  of  learning 
and  wisdom.  The  literature  of  the  ancient  world 
had  to  a  great  extent  been  concealed,  though  pre 
served,  by  recluse  Byzantine  scholars,  whom  the 
Moslem  conquest  forced  from  their  retirement,  and 
drove  out  as  wanderers  over  the  face  of  Europe. 

On  the  capture  of  Constantinople  they  fled  to 
Italy,  bearing  with  them  their  precious  parchment 
scrolls  of  ancient  lore,  like  the  old  prophets  when 
they  fled  from  the  falling  temples  of  Judah.  Re 
ceived  by  the  princes  and  republics  of  the  penin 
sula  with  enthusiasm,  these  exiled  scholars  repaid 
their  hospitality  by  the  instruction  of  youth  and 
the  dissemination  of  the  valuable  works  which 
they  had  brought  with  them  from  the  East. 

The  recent  invention  of  the  printing-press  was 
brought  into  full  play,  and  copies  of  rare  manu 
scripts  were  multiplied  a  thousand-fold.  The  value 
of  many  of  these  may  be  estimated,  when  it  is 
considered  that  they  were  the  only  known  copies 
existing  in  the  world,  of  the  works  of  some  of  the 
ancient  classics  and  philosophers.  Men  of  letters 
perceived  immediately  how  much  might  have 
been  lost  to  themselves,  and  lamenting  their  own 
wants,  turned  their  eyes  to  posterity,  and  chron 
icled  the  times  in  which  they  lived,  for  the  benefit 
of  their  children. 

This  spirit  spread  rapidly,  and  infected  not  only 
those  who  had  been,  from  their  professional  pur 
suits,  accustomed  to  wield  the  pen,  but  the  actors 
themselves  in  the  important  scenes  of  the  new 
drama  which  was  in  progress,  applied  themselves 
45 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

to  the  task  of  perpetuating  their  doings  for  the 
benefit  of  succeeding  ages.  The  writers  whose 
works  bear  most  immediate  reference  to  the  dis 
covery,  and  are  of  the  greatest  value  in  furnishing 
correct  statements,  are  of  the  latter  class. 

The  son  of  Columbus,  the  venerable  Bishop  Las 
Casas,  Bernal,  the  Curate  of  Los  Palacios,  Oviedo. 
and  Americus  Vespucius,  are  entitled  to  the  grat 
itude  of  the  world  on  this  account.  These  cotem- 
poraries  were  followed  by  another  class  of  authors, 
whose  writings,  dating  from  the  sixteenth  century, 
are  scarcely  of  less  importance.  They  were  en 
abled  to  collect  and  examine  the  accounts  of  their 
predecessors,  to  compare  and  revise  them,  to  fill 
up  the  gaps  which  were  unavoidably  left,  and  sup 
ply  from  authentic  documents  any  inadvertent 
omissions.  Among  these  Gomara  and  Herreraare 
the  most  prominent.  The  lives  of  all  of  these 
writers  are  full  of  interest,  but  only  a  trifling 
sketch  of  them  can  be  given  in  this  work. 

Fernando  Columbus  was  the  natural  son  of 
the  great  admiral,  an  was  born  about  1487. 
Though  still  a  boy,  he  accompanied  his  father  on 
his  fourth  expedition,  and  received  great  praise 
from  him,  for  the  fortitude  with  which  he  bore  its 
hardships  and  privations.  His  most  important 
work  is  his  history  of  his  father's  life,  which  is 
really  invaluable  to  the  American  antiquarian. 
He  was  the  author  of  other  works,  however,  which 
might  have  been  of  equal  importance,  had  they 
been  preserved  to  modern  times.  Devoted  to  lit 
erature,  he  made  a  collection  of  nearly  twenty 
thousand  books  and  manuscripts  of  great  value, 
which,  at  his  death,  he  bequeathed  to  the  cathe 
dral  church  of  Seville,  where  he  died  on  12th 
July,  1559.  Notwithstanding  MB  relationship, 
he  writes  of  his  father  with  great  fairness  and 
46 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

clearness ;  and  from  the  facilities  which  he  enjoyed 
of  examining  his  charts  and  papers,  is  entitled  to 
the  highest  credit. 

Bartholomeo  de  Las  Casas  was  born  at  Seville, 
in  the  year  1474,  and  went  to  America  soon  after 
its  discovery.  He  was  subsequently  made  a  bishop 
in  the  newly-found  diocese,  and  devoted  a  long 
life  to  the  service  of  the  Indians,  who  were  cruelly 
oppressed  and  enslaved  by  their  Spanish  con 
querors.  He  was  the  author  of  several  works  on 
the  Indies,  of  which  his  "  General  History,"  from 
the  period  of  their  discovery  to  the  year  1520,  is 
the  most  important.  Las  Casas  has  been  accused 
of  counselling  the  Spaniards  to  import  slaves  from 
Africa,  rather  than  use  the  Indians  in  this  way, 
and  thus  to  have  been  the  originator  of  the  slave 
traffic;  but  the  assertion  has  in  later  times  been 
contradicted  and  disproved.  Las  Casas  returned 
to  Spain  in  1564,  nd  died  at  Madrid  in  1566. 

Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo  was  born  in 
Madrid,  in  the  year  1478.  He  was  descended  from 
a  noble  family,  and  went,  in  1513,  to  the  New 
World,  to  superintend  the  gold  mines.  His  works 
are  very  voluminous,  for  he  was  a  most  indus 
trious  writer  and  compiler.  Among  other  things, 
he  wrote  a  Chronicle  of  the  Indies,  in  fifty  books. 
An  eyewitness  of  most  of  what  he  describes,  his 
works  contain  a  great  many  valuable  and  curious 
particulars  concerning  the  New  World,  and  the 
manners  and  habits  of  the  natives.  He  held,  at 
his  death,  the  appointment  of  Historiographer  of 
the  Indies,  conferred  upon  him  by  Charles  V. 

Andrez  Bernal,  who  is  generally  called  The  Cu 
rate  of  Los  Palacios,  was  a  warm  supporter  of 
Columbus,  and  wrote  a  history  of  the  reign  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  into  which  he  introduced 
a  narrative  of  his  voyages.  No  work  of  his  was 
47 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

ever  published,  but  it  still  exists  in  manuscript, 
and  is  often  quoted  by  historians.  I  was  a  be 
liever  in  the  tales  of  Mandeville,  aiid  frequently 
quotes  him  with  much  °pprobaiion.  His  visionary 
ideas  of  a  terrestrial  pavariisa,  which  affected  ma 
terially  the  imnxination  of  Columbus  also,  were 
derived  from  thi*  author. 

Antonio  Herrera  de  Tordesillas  was  born  in  the 
year  1565,  and  died  in  1625.  He  was  appointed 
by  Philip  II.  to  the  post  of  Historiographer  of  the 
Indies,  and  wrote  many  books,  the  most  cele 
brated  of  which  is  his  General  History  of  the 
American  Colonies.  From  his  position  in  Spain, 
he  ought  to  have  been  much  more  accurate  in 
his  accounts  than  he  actually  was.  All  the  royal 
archives  were  thrown  open  to  him ;  yet,  though  he 
availed  himself  freely  of  them,  he  frequently  was 
guilty  of  suppressing  facts  and  altering  circum 
stances,  which  tended  to  injure  the  character  of 
his  countrymen.  Still,  he  was  an  industrious 
writer,  and  his  work  contains  a  great  deal  of  in 
formation  not  to  be  found  in  other  quarters,  al 
though  much  of  it  is,  in  a  measure,  liable  to  be 
received  with  suspicion,  on  account  of  his  preju 
dices  and  partiality.  A  large  part  of  his  work  is 
little  more  than  a  transcript  fr  m  the  manuscripts 
of  Las  Casas,  who  deserves  much  more  credit  as  a 
fai:hful  historian.  In  a  subsequent  part  of  this 
work,  this  author's  attempt  to  injure  the  reputa 
tion  of  Vespucius  will  be  the  subject  of  remark.* 

Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara  was  born  at  Seville, 
in  1510,  and  for  many  years  filled  the  chair  of  the 
Professorship  of  Rhetoric  at  Alcala.  He  was  well 

*The  above  sketches  of  cotemporary  authors  have  been 

abridged  from  the  accounts  given  of  them  by  the  author  of  the 

life  of  Columbus,  though  in  our  estimate  of  Herrera,  it  is  our 

misfortune  to  differ  materially  from  him. 

48 


AMEKICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

versed  in  ancient  and  modern  history,  and  particu 
larly  in  that  of  his  own  country.  His  style  is 
more  polished  and  pure  than  that  of  any  histo 
rian  of  the  time.  His  most  important  work— A 
General  History  of  the  Indies— was  published  in 
1558,  and  contain*  many  valuable  facts. 

Peter  Martyr  is^jnother  cotemporary  writer 
who  must  not  be  forgotten.  He  was  born  in 
Milan,  in  1455 ;  was  educated  at  Home,  where  he 
early  acquired  a  distinguished  reputation  for  learn 
ing,  and  was  invited  by  the  Spanish  ambassador 
at  the  Papal  See  to  proceed  to  Spain.  He  wrote 
an  account  of  the  discovery  of  the  New  World  in 
Ten  Decades,  originally  in  Latin;  but  the  most 
interesting  of  his  works  are  his  letters,  which  he 
addressed  daily  to  distinguished  persons,  giving 
statements  of  the  events  which  were  taking  place 
around  him.  A  collection  of  these  epistles  was 
published  in  1530.  He  died  at  Valladolid,  in 
1526. 

It  appeared  desirable,  before  commencing  the 
narration  of  the  life  of  one  of  the  prominent  navi 
gators  of  the  age,  to  give  the  foregoing  general 
view  of  matters  which  bear  immediate  reference  to 
the  discovery  of  the  New  World.  This,  though 
very  imperfectly  accomplished,  will  serve  to  pre 
pare  the  reader  for  the  occurrences  which  follow  in 
the  life  of  the  distinguished  man  whose  name  and 
fame  are  so  intimately  linked  with  that  great 
event. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER  II. 

Amerigo  Vespucci,  or,  as  he  will  be  designated 
in  this  work  by  his  Latin  name,  Americus  Vespu- 
cius,  was  the  third  son  of  Anastasio  Vespucci  and 
Elizabetta  Mini,  and  was  born  in  Florence,  on  the 
ninth  day  of  March,  A.  D.  1451.  At  the  time  of 
his  birth,  his  family  was  in  moderate  circum 
stances  in  respect  of  wealth ;  but  they  traced  their 
descent  through  a  long  line  of  noble  progenitors, 
and  took  a  high  rank  among  the  aristocratic 
families  of  the  Republic.  His  earliest  biographer, 
Bandini,  devotes  a  number  of  pages  of  his  work  to 
an  account  of  the  illustrious  members  of  the  Ves 
pucci  family  who  preceded  Americus,  and  as  every 
thing  connected  with  him  becomes  a  matter  of 
interest,  some  parts  of  this  genealogical  narrative 
are  extracted,  divested  as  much  as  possible  of  un 
necessary  detail.* 

The  family  originated  in  the  town  of  Peretola, 
distant  only  a  few  miles  from  Florence,  where  they 
possessed  considerable  estates,  and  were  celebrated 
for  their  hospitality,  and  the  patronage  they  be 
stowed  upon  men  of  letters.  Ugolino  Verini  com 
memorates  them  in  a  Latin  poem,  and  says, 

Venit  et  ex  isto  soboles  Vespuccia  vico 
Egregiis  ornata  viris,  nee  inhospita  musis.t 

About  the  commencement  of  the  thirteenth  cen 
tury  the  Vespucci  family  removed  to  Florence.    It 

*  Bandini,  Vita  e  Lettere,  chap.  i.  p.  1-24. 
t  Ibid.,  p.  3. 

50 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

was  then  the  custom  for  the  noble  families  of  the 
Republic  to  establish  their  residences  near  the 
gates  of  the  city,  which  led  to  their  country  es 
tates. 

There  was  more  of  the  leaven  of  democracy  in 
the  Florentine  constitution  than  in  that  of  any 
other  of  the  Italian  republics,  and  as  the  nobles 
never  gave  up  their  power  till  they  were  finally 
crushed  by  the  people,  the  state  was,  in  conse 
quence,  more  liable  to  sudden  convulsions  and  out 
breaks.  It  was  almost  a  matter  of  necessity  for 
the  promitient  families  to  provide  for  themselves 
some  easy  way  of  escape  from  these  turmoils,  and 
they  consequently  adopted  the  course  of  living  as 
close  as  possible  to  that  outlet  of  the  city  which 
was  nearest  to  their  strongholds  in  the  country, 
where  they  could  at  least  find  temporary  se 
curity. 

The  house  of  the  Vespucci  stood  in  the  quarter 
of  S.  Lucia  di  Ogni  Santi,  adjacent  to  the  Porta 
della  Cana,  which,  at  the  present  day,  is  known  as 
the  Porta  del  Prato.  In  the  street  called  Borgon- 
gnisanti,  of  modern  Florence,  may  now  be  seen,  by 
any  traveller  whose  curiosity  leads  him  to  the 
spot,  a  large  edifice,  occupied  as  a  hospital  for  the 
sick  poor,  under  the  direction  of  the  monks  of 
San  Giovanni  di  Dio.  which,  for  centuries  before 
the  discovery  of  America,  was  the  dwelling-place  of 
the  ancestors  of  Americus  Vespucius.  and  his  own 
birthplace.  Over  the  doorway  of  this  mansion,  a 
worthy  abbot,  by  name  Antonio  Salvini.  caused 
a  marble  tablet  to  be  placed,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  18th  century,  which  is  still  in  existence, 
and  on  which  the  following  inscription  ap 
pears: 


51 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

AMERICO  VESPVCCIO  PATRICIO  FLORENTINO 

OB  REPERTAM  AMERICAM 

SVI  ET  PATL3S  NOMINIS  ILLVSTRATORI 

AMPLIFICATORI.  ORBIS.  TERARVM. 

IN  HAC  OLIM  VESPVCCIA  DOMO 

A  TANTO  VIRO  HABITATA 

PATRES  SANCTI IOANNES  DE  DEO  CVLTORES 

GRAT.E  MEMORISE  CAVSSA. 

MDCCXIX.* 

The  family  were  possessed  of  many  houses  in  this 
same  quarter  of  the  city,  if  the  number  of  doors 
over  which  their  coat-of-arms  appeared  is  any  evi 
dence.  Their  wealth  was  acquired  chiefly  by  an 

*  To  Amerlcus  Vespucius,  a  noble  Florentine, 

Who,  by  the  discovery  of  America, 
Rendered  his  own  and  his  country's  name  illustrious, 

The  Amplifier  of  the  World. 
Upon  this  ancient  mansion  of  the  Vespucci, 

Inhabited  by  so  great  a  man, 

The  Holy  Fathers  of  St.  John  of  God, 

Have  erected  this  Tablet,  sacred  to  his  memory, 

A.  D.  1719. 


"  This  morning  the  young  Cavaliere  Amerigo  Vespucci  called 
to  go  with  me  to  the  house  in  which  his  illustrious  ancestor  was 
born.  It  is  a  stately  and  massive  building,  and  in  any  other 
land  than  this,  might  have  been  the  palace  of  a  prince,  but  there 
is  nothing  to  distinguish  it  in  its  architecture  from  an  hundred 
other  houses  of  the  old  nobility  of  the  Florence  of  the  Medici. 
Over  the  entrance  a  huge  marble  scroll  is  placed,  on  which  the 
following  inscription  is  cut,  offering  only  a  just  tribute  to  so 
great  a  name. 

******* 

"  I  always  feel  almost  as  great  a  desire  to  visit  the  precise 
house  where  an  illustrious  man  was  born,  or  the  place  where  he 
ended  his  days,  as  I  do  even  to  read  his  history.  So  many  asso 
ciations  of  deep  interest  are  connected  with  all  that  one  sees  in 
such  spots.  When  we  stood  in  the  frescoed  hall  of  the  mansion, 
or  wandered  through  the  different  apartments,  it  seemed,  as 
Monti  beautifully  says,  like  'walking  through  the  frescoed 
gallery  of  time,'  and  I  could  almost  see  the  family  of  the  navi 
gator  collected  under  their  own  roof.  We  talked  in  the  cham 
ber  where  Vespucius  was  born,  of  his  early  days,  and  of  the  little 
52 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

ancestor,  Simone  di  Pero  Vespucci,  who  left  a  me 
morial  of  his  liberality  to  the  church,  as  well  as  of 
his  riches.  He  embarked  largely  in  mercantile 
operations,  and  devoted  no  inconsiderable  portion 
of  his  gains  to  the  erection  of  hospitals  for  suffer 
ing  poor.  Jointly  with  his  wife  he  built  a  magnifi 
cent  chapel  in  the  church  of  Ogni  Santi,  in  the  cen 
tre  of  which  his  tomb  is  placed.* 

The  citizens  of  Florence  availed  themselves  very 
frequently  of  the  services  of  the  members  of  the 
Vespucci  race,  and  continually,  for  a  long  series  of 
years,  elevated  them  to  offices  of  great  distinction. 

that  was  accurately  known  of  them ;  and  in  the  saloon,  of  the 
wealthy  and  enterprising  nobles  who  used  to  congregate  there. 
When  we  turned  to  go  away,  with  my  mind  occupied  with 
other  thoughts,  I  forgot,  until  too  late,  the  usual  ceremony  of 
giving  a  small  douceur  to  the  porter,  for  his  trouble  in  showing 
us  the  house— and  only  remembered  it  when  he  slammed  the 
great  door  violently  behind  us,  before  we  had  left  the  steps. 
For  an  instant  the  blood  suffused  the  cheek  of  the  young  cava 
lier,  and  a  half-suppressed  look  of  indignation  told  his  feelings, 
though  he  said  not  a  word.  The  time  had  been,  when  the 
porter  who  guarded  that  ponderous  door  bowed  low  as  any  one 
passed  in  whose  veins  flowed  the  blood  of  the  Vespucci,  but 
now,  the  only  living  descendant  of  that  proud  race,  was  like 
any  other  stranger  in  the  halls  of  his  fathers.  There  was  food 
enough  for  reflection  in  the  change  which  time  produces,  and 
we  walked  on  in  silence  together."— M88.  Note  Book,  Flor 
ence,  15th  March,  18k5. 

*  This  sepulchre  still  exists,  and  on  the  tomb  is  the  following 
inscription  in  Gothic  characters : 

Sepulcrum  Sirnonis  Petri  De  Vespuccis 
Mercatoris  ac  Filiorum  et  descendentium, 

Et  uxoris,  quae  Fieri  ac  Pingi  fecit 
Totam  istam  capellam  pro  anima  sua, 

Anno  MCCCLXXXIII. 

The  tomb  of  Simone  Piero  Vespucci, 

A  merchant— and  of  his  children  and  descendants, 

And  of  his  wife,  who  caused  this  Chapel  to  be  erected 

And  decorated,  for  the  salvation  of  her  soul. 

A.  D.  1383. 

Bandini,  Vita,  <fcc.,  ch.  i.  p.  12. 
53 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Three  of  the  name  were,  at  different  times,  Gon- 
faloniere  di  Justiria,  which  was  the  highest  office 
in  the  state.  No  less  than  twenty-fire  of  the  family 
became  Priori,  and  numerous  others  are  inscribed 
upon  the  records  of  the  Republic,  as  the  occupants 
of  posts  of  distinction.  In  the  year  1336,  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  the  Republic,  in  those  days 
one  of  considerable  importance,  was  filled  by 
Amerigo  di  Stagio  Vespucci,  which  is  the  first  in 
stance  on  record  where  the  pre-name  which  de 
scended  to  the  navigator  is  found. 

The  immediate  relations  of  Americus,  living  in 
his  own  day,  were  numerous,  and  although  the 
wealth  of  the  family  had  in  a  great  measure  disap 
peared,  still  maintained  the  respectability  of  their 
house.  His  father  was  the  Secretary  of  the  Signo- 
ri,  the  Senate  of  the  Republic.  His  uncle  Juliano 
was  ambassador  to  Genoa,  and  subsequently  Gov 
ernor  of  Pistoia.  Nor  was  Americus  the  only 
navigator  of  the  family.  His  cousin  Piero  com 
manded  the  Florentine  fleet  of  galleys,  destined 
for  an  attack  upon  the  Corsairs  of  Barbary,  and 
was  afterwards  sent  Ambassador  to  the  King  of 
Naples,  by  whom  he  was  highly  honoured,  and  re 
turned  to  his  own  country,  covered  with  dignities 
conferred  by  that  monarch. 

In  his  time,  also,  appeared  Guido  Antonio  di 
Giovanni,  who  was  distinguished  in  letters,  and 
for  his  profound  knowledge  of  law.  He  established 
a  court  of  purely  mercantile  jurisdiction  in  Flor 
ence,  and  served  his  country  on  many  important 
embassies.* 

*  Andrea  D'azzl,  a  celebrated  literary  character  of  the  15th 
century,  wrote  the  following  quaint  epitaph  upon  this  An 
tonio  Vespucci:— 

Interpres  gravis  utriusque  Juris, 

Qui  se  mellifluae  fluore  linguae 

Non  vespae  ast  apium  genus  probavlt, 

54 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

These  family  details,  to  which  much  might  be 
added,  did  space  permit,  are  in  themselves  of 
trifling  importance,  except  in  so  far  as  they  show 
what  must  have  been  the  natural  early  associa 
tions  of  Americus  in  his  youth.  Fernando  Colum 
bus,  in  his  life  of  the  Admiral,  whose  origin  he 
leaves  in  obscurity,  well  remarks,  that  he  thinks  it 
better  to  content  himself  with  dating  his  descent 
from  the  glory  of  his  father,  than  to  waste  time 
in  researches  to  prove  that  his  father  was  noble 
by  birth.  Antiquity  of  blood  is,  in  truth,  a  paltry 
score  on  which  to  exalt  oneself ;  yet,  differing  from 
Fernando,  many  places  contended,  after  his  death, 
for  the  honour  of  being  the  birthplace  of  Colum 
bus,  and  many  efforts  were  made  to  attach  his 
name  to  a  lordly  line;  but  where,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  family  of  Vespucius,  those  best  ornaments 
of  a  genealogy,  personal  merit  and  distinguished 
virtue  and  talent,  appear,  it  becomes  the  biog 
rapher  not  to  pass  them  over  in  silence. 

A  custom  had  long  prevailed  among  the  noble 
families  of  Florence  to  select  one  of  the  younger 
members  of  each,  and  devote  him  to  mercantile 
pursuits.  It  was  not  then  considered  as  derogatory 
to  the  loftiest  and  purest  blood  among  them,  to  en 
gage  in  honourable  traffic.  A  nation  of  merchants, 
and  ruled  by  a  family  who  were  indebted  for  their 
rank  and  celebrity  mainly  to  their  successful  busi- 

Guido  Antonius  hoc  jacet  sepulchre, 

Is,  quern  vivere  oportuit  perenne, 

Vel  nunquam  superum  videre  lumen. 

A  sound  interpreter  of  the  law, 

Who  by  the  flow  of  his  mellifluous  language 

Proved  himself  more  of  the  genus  of  the  bee  than  of  the  wasp, 

Guldo  Antonio,  lies  in  this  sepulchre.— 

He,  who  should  have  lived  forever, 

Or  else  never  have  seen  the  light. 

Banding  ch.  i.  p.  16. 
55 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

ness  operations,  they  appreciated  the  position 
which  an  intelligent  merchant  occupies,  and  were 
not  restrained  from  embarking  in  commerce  by 
any  ridiculous  pride  of  birth.  Florentine  bankers 
and  capitalists  had  more  than  once,  before  the  time 
of  Americus,  made  their  influence  felt  with  powerful 
effect  in  the  affairs  of  nations;  and  prosperity  in 
business  brought  not  only  wealth,  but  high  con 
sideration  in  the  state,  in  its  train.  Americus  was 
accordingly  chosen  by  his  father,  almost  from  his 
birth,  to  advance  the  fortunes  of  his  family  by 
commerce,  and  high  hopes  were  entertained  of  his 
success.  It  was  not  within  the  power  of  human 
wisdom  to  foresee,  that  his  after  life  would  con 
tribute  more  to  prejudice  the  mercantile  interests 
of  his  native  city,  than  to  his  own  benefit,  or 
that  of  his  relatives. 


56 


AMEBICUS  VE8PUCIU8. 


CHAPTER   III. 

The  saying  has  been  attributed  to  Bacon,  that 
the  youth  of  a  great  man  often  furnishes  data  of 
more  importance  than  any  other  portion  of  his 
life,  in  guiding  posterity  to  a  just  estimate  of  his 
character.  The  traveller  who  looks  off  from  the 
hills  where  a  river  rises,  can  easily  determine  the 
direction  it  must  take  as  it  pursues  its  course. 
Sometimes  its  passage  is  obstructed  by  a  moun 
tain,  around  whose  base  the  stream  must  flow, 
and  sometimes  a  winding  valley  leads  it  away 
from  its  nearest  track  to  the  sea.  In  like  manner, 
circumstances  over  which  a  man  can  have  little  or 
no  control  determine  the  course  of  his  life.  His 
parentage,  his  country  and  its  institutions;  the 
times  in  which  he  is  born,  and  the  character  of 
those  by  whom  he  is  in  early  life  surrounded,  de 
cide  in  a  great  measure  his  future  history.  The 
first  acquisition,  therefore,  of  the  biographer  should 
be,  an  enlightened  and  philosophical  understand 
ing  of  those  events  which  have  influenced  the  life 
or  coloured  the  history  of  his  hero. 

It  is  true  that  the  youth  of  many  of  the  most 
distinguished  of  mankind  is  veiled  in  obscurity, 
but  all  the  historian  needs,  to  form  a  correct  idea 
of  their  character,  is  generally  preserved  in  the 
few  facts  that  escape  oblivion.  It  would  be  easy 
to  supply  this  deficiency  in  the  case  of  Americus. 
for  there  are  not  wanting  ingenious  accounts  of 
the  history  of  his  early  days,  in  antiquated  Italian 
books  and  manuscripts,  and  equally  incredible 
stories  are  still  told  by  his  countrymen. 
57 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

But,  not  to  follow  the  uncertain  gleamings  of 
traditionary  light,  and  believing  that  the  materials 
in  hand  may  be  made  serviceable  to  the  scholar 
and  inquirer  of  the  present  and  future  times,  an 
attempt  will  be  made  to  give  a  clear  and  impar 
tial  account  of  all  which  has  been  gathered  that 
is  authentic  and  interesting  in  the  Life  and  Voy 
ages  of  Americus. 

All  the  advantages  derived  by  Americus  from 
his  patrician  descent  were  trifling  in  comparison 
with  the  education  which  his  connexion  with  an 
eminent  teacher  of  that  day  procured  for  him. 
His  paternal  uncle,  Georgio  Antonio  Vespucci,  had 
been  from  his  youth  distinguished  as  a  scholar. 
Devoted  in  early  life  to  the  church,  he  became  a 
monk  of  the  order  of  San  Marco,  and  won  much 
reputation  both  for  learning  and  piety.  About  a 
year  before  the  birth  of  Americus,  he  opened  a 
school  in  his  convent  for  the  sons  of  the  prin 
cipal  nobles  of  Florence;  and  there,  as  soon 
as  his  years  permitted,  in  company  with  many 
youthful  Florentines,  Americus  daily  repaired^ 
to  ponder  over  the  mysteries  of  grammar  and 
mathematics. 

In  his  education,  it  may  reasonably  be  sup 
posed  that  the  worthy  friar  was  not  unmindful 
of  the  claims  of  consanguinity,  and  that  he 
paid  particular  attention  to  the  progress  of  one 
who,  in  the  imagination  of  his  parents,  was  des 
tined  to  restore,  by  his  success  in  commercial 
affairs,  the  decaying  fortunes  of  his  family.  While 
this  end  was  kept  studiously  in  view,  and  his 
young  mind  continually  exercised  by  application 
to  the  tq  ore  abstruse  sciences  of  astronomy  and 
cosmography,  no  small  portion  of  his  attention 
was  directed  to  the  acquisition  of  classical  lore, 
and  he  left  the  hands  of  his  uncle,  an  accomplished 
58 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

scholar,  in  an  age  when  it  was  difficult  to  find 
many  such  out  of  the  cloister  or  the  univer 
sity. 

That  such  was  the  case,  the  subsequent  life  of 
Americus  sufficiently  proves;  while,  at  the  same 
time,  it  affords  another  demonstration  of  the  fal 
lacy  of  human  expectations.  Little  dreamed  the 
worthy  friar,  Georgio  Antonio,  that  the  rudi 
ments  he  daily  instilled  into  the  mind  of  his  pu 
pil  would  be  of  small  avail  in  the  acquisition  of 
worldly  goods,  and  still  less  thought  he,  that, 
when  disgusted  with  the  vicissitudes  of  com 
merce,  those  same  instructions  would  open  to 
his  nephew  a  new  path  to  honour,  if  not  to 
fortune.* 

At  this  period  Americus  contracted  a  friendship 
with  Piero  Soderini,  a  noble  youth,  of  his  own  age, 
who  was  also  a  pupil  of  the  friar,  which  continued 
with  unchanging  constancy  through  his  lifetime, 
and  was  the  source  of  much  gratification  and 
pride  to  the  future  navigator.  Soderini  afterwards 
became  the  Gonfaloniere  of  Florence ;  and  to  him, 
in  all  the  confidence  of  early  friendship,  are  ad 
dressed  those  letters  which  will  appear  in  another 
part  of  this  work,  and  which  give  the  most  inter 
esting  account  of  the  subsequent  voyages  of 
Americus. 

Piero  was  the  son  of  the  celebrated  Tomaso  So 
derini,  who,  at  the  death  of  Pietro  de  Medici  in 
1469,  was  at  the  head  of  the  most  powerful  fam 
ily  in  Florence.  He  was  treated  with  the  greatest 
reverence,  as  the  leader  of  the  commonwealth, 
both  by  foreign  princes  and  citizens;  but  mod 
estly  and  with  patriotism  declining  the  honours 
they  would  have  bestowed  upon  him,  protected 
the  fortunes  of  the  young  princes  Lorenzo  and 
*  Bandini,  Vita,  Ac.,  p.  19. 
59 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Juliano,  the  first  of  whom  afterwards  became  so 
celebrated,  and  who  always,  in  his  youth,  ad 
hered  closely  to  the  counsels  of  his  protector.* 

The  studies  of  Americus  were  suddenly  inter 
rupted  by  the  appearance  of  the  plague  in  Flor 
ence,  in  the  year  1478.  This  terrible  visitor  al 
ways  brought  in  its  train  general  consternation 
and  confusion.  The  utter  want  of  precaution  and 
preventive  sanatory  regulations,  which  can  scarcely 
be  said  to  have  existed  at  all  in  that  age,  ren 
dered  it  peculiarly  violent,  and  almost  uncontroll 
able.  All  business  and  pleasure  were  alike  sus 
pended  ;  the  ties  of  relationship  and  affection  were 
in  most  cases  forgotten,  and  the  universal  feeling 
was  selfish  regard  for  personal  safety.  Even  the 
quiet  institutions  of  learning  felt  its  malignant  in 
fluence,  and  those  who  were  most  secluded  from 
social  intercourse  dreaded  and  fled  from  its  at 
tacks,  f 

The  school  of  the  Friar  Vespucci  was  at  once 
broken  up,  and  his  pupils  scattered  in  various  di 
rections.  Americus  was  taken  by  his  parents  into 
the  country,  to  await  the  disappearance  of  the 
pestilence,  and  there  for  the  first  time,  as  far  as 
any  evidence  exists,  employed  his  pen.  Some  let 
ters  which  are  still  preserved,  written  while  in  this 
temporary  seclusion,  give  strong  proof  of  a  mind 
earnest  for  instruction;  and  though  showing  a 
gravity  of  thought  hardly  consistent  with  his 
years,  are  full  of  enthusiastic  impulse  and  love  of 
adventure.  Although  tempered  throughout  by 
filial  respect  and  affection,  they  foreshadow  the 
subsequent  career  of  the  man,  and  are  replete 

*  Bandini,  Vita,  Ac.,  p.  25. 

t  Ibid.,  p.  28.  See  also  Machiavelli's  account  of  the  plague 
in  1528,  which  speaks  of  this,  and  gives  a  thrilling  descrip 
tion  of  its  horrors.— Opere  de  Niccolo  MachiavelU^  torn, 
viil.  p.  53. 

60 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

with  the  sincerity  and  modesty  which  characterized 
hie  later  productions. 

The  contagion  had  barely  subsided,  when  Ameri- 
cus  resumed  his  studies  with  renewed  ardour. 
This  is  the  more  remarkable,  when  the  temptations 
which  surrounded  the  noble  youth  of  that  day  are 
considered.  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  in  the  flush 
of  youth  and  power,  rendered  the  city  of  Florence 
and  his  own  court  the  centre  of  attraction  to  all 
the  gay  nobility  of  Italy  and  Europe.  Festivals 
of  unequalled  splendour  drew  an  immense  con 
course  of  strangers  to  his  capital,  and  the  city 
was  wild  with  dissipation  and  extravagance. 

In  the  midst  of  all,  and  exposed  to  most  of 
these  allurements,  Americus  diligently  occupied 
himself  with  the  pursuits  of  learning.  He  gave 
particular  devotion  to  the  study  of  geometry  and 
cosmography,  and  frequently  surprised  the  sagest 
professors  of  those  sciences  by  the  acuteness  of  his 
remarks  and  conjectures. 

Among  the  cosmographers  of  the  times,  he  en 
countered  frequently  the  celebrated  Toscanelli,  who 
is  mentioned  in  the  introductory  chapter,  and  de 
rived  from  him  many  of  the  views  respecting  the 
position  of  the  Indies,  which  that  philosopher 
afterwards  communicated  to  Columbus  by  letter.* 

The  subsequent  celebrity  of  Americus  was  main 
ly  owing  to  the  direction  of  his  labours  at  this 
time,  and  it  appears  that  his  chief  ambition  was 
to  excel  as  a  geographer ;  so  that  when  he  quitted 
the  monastery  of  the  good  brother  of  St.  Mark, 
he  was,  in  all  probability,  better  fitted  to  aston 
ish  the  world  with  novel  theories,  than  to  acquire 
the  fortune  for  which  his  family  had  destined  him. 

Only  one  portion  of  his  uncle's  instructions  re 
mains  to  be  noticed.    He  cultivated  in  the  mind 
*  Bandini,  Vita,  p.  29. 
61 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

of  hie  nephew  a  warm  and  profound  sense  of  de 
pendence  upon  the  protection  of  God,  which  sup 
ported  him  in  many  trials  and  sufferings  of  his 
after  life,  and  nerved  his  soul  to  the  accomplish 
ment  of  heroic  achievements,  which  have  been 
reserved  by  Providence  for  those  men  who  have 
reposed  with  the  highest  confidence  upon  its  arm. 
The  reader  of  his  letters  cannot  fail  to  be  struck 
with  the  rea  y  reliance  upon  the  favour  of  Provi 
dence,  hich  many  of  his  actions  evinced,  and  his 
often  recurring  acknowledgment  of  thanks  for  pro 
tection  received. 

The  translation  of  a  short  letter  from  Americus 
to  his  father,  written  while  he  was  residing  at  the 
country  estate  of  the  family,  during  the  prevalence 
of  the  plague  in  Florence,  will  close  this  chapter. 
It  was  originally  written  in  Latin. 

To  the  Excellent  and  Honourable  Signor  Anas- 
tasio  Vespucci. 

Honoured  Father : 

Do  not  wonder  that  I  have  not  written  to  you 
within  the  last  few  days.  I  thought  that  my  un 
cle  would  have  satisfied  you  concerning  me.  In 
his  absence  I  scarcely  dare  to  address  you  in  the 
Latin  tongue,  blushing  even  at  my  deficiencies  in 
my  own  language;  I  have,  besides,  been  indus 
triously  occupied  of  late  in  studying  the  rules  of 
Latin  composition,  and  will  show  you  my  book 
on  my  return.  Whatever  else  I  have  accomplished, 
and  how  I  have  conducted  myself,  you  will  have 
been  able  to  learn  from  my  uncle,  whose  return  I 
ardently  desire,  that,  under  his  and  your  own  joint 
directions,  I  may  follow  with  greater  ease  both  my 
studies  and  your  kind  precepts.  Georgio  Antonio, 
three  or  four  days  ago,  gave  a  number  of  letters 
69 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

to  you,  to  a  good  priest,  Signor  Nerotto,  to 
which  he  desires  your  answer.  There  is  nothing 
else  that  is  new  to  relate,  unless  that  we  all  desire 
much  to  return  to  the  city.  The  day  of  our  re 
turn  is  not  yet  fixed,  but  soon  will  be,  unless  the 
pestilence  should  increase,  and  occasion  greater 
alarm,  which  God  avert. 

He,  Georgio  Antonio,  commends  to  your  con 
sideration  a  poor  and  wretched  neighbour  of  his, 
whose  only  reliance  and  means  are  in  our  house, 
concerning  which,  he  addressed  you  in  full.  He 
asks  you,  therefore,  that  you  would  attend  to  his 
affairs,  so  that  they  may  suffer  as  little  as  possi 
ble  in  his  absence. 

Farewell,  then,  honoured  father;  salute  all  the 
family  in  my  behalf,  and  commend  me  to  my 
mother  and  all  my  elder  relatives. 

Your  son,  with  due  obedience, 

AMERIGO  VESPUCCI.* 

Trivio  Mugelli,  Oct.  19,  1478. 
*  Bandinl,  Vita,  p.  39. 


63 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER  IV. 

History  throws  little  light  upon  that  period  of 
the  life  of  Amerieus  comprised  between  the  com 
pletion  of  his  studies  and  his  departure  for  Spain, 
which  took  place  some  time  in  the  year  1490.  It 
is  probable  that  he  resided  in  Florence  during  the 
whole  of  this  time,  and  it  may  be.  that  he  was 
engaged  in  commercial  pursuits  in  his  native  city, 
although  no  evidence  of  it  has  come  down  to  mod 
ern  times.  Whether  such  was  the  case  or  not,  it- 
is  well  known  that  he  continued  to  pursue  his  re 
searches  in  cosmography.* 

He  was  very  curious  in  collecting  all  the  best 
maps,  charts,  and  globes,  of  the  time,  the  works 
of  distinguished  projectors.  The  value  of  these 
maps  was  most  extraordinary,  even  considering 
that  their  scarcity  enhanced  their  price ;  and  the 
projectors  were  so  highly  esteemed,  that  the  mak 
ing  of  one  good  map  rendered  the  name  of  the 
cosmographer  illustrious.  The  Venetians  struck 
a  medal  in  honour  of  Mauro.  an  eminent  friar, 
who  drew  a  map  which  was  considered  the  most 
accurate  of  the  time,  and  it  is  recorded  that  Amer 
ieus  paid  the  high  price  of  one  hundred  and  thirty 
ducats,  which  is  equal  to  five  hundred  and  fifty- 
five  Spanish  dollars  of  the  present  day,  for  a  map 
of  sea  and  land,  made  at  Mallorea,  in  1439,  by 
Gabriel  de  Velasca.f 
The  immediate  cause  of  his  departure  from  Italy 

*  Bandini,  chap.  iii.  p.  33. 
t  Irving's  Works,  Paris  edition,  vol.  ii.  p.  613. 
64 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

appears  to  have  arisen  in  some  measure  from  the 
misfortunes  of  another  person,  although  there  is 
little  doubt  he  had  contemplated  a  long  absence, 
for  many  previous  years.  His  elder  brother  Giro- 
lamo,  following  the  bent  of  an  enterprising  spirit, 
had  left  Florence  about  the  year  1480.  to  seek  his 
fortune  in  foreign  climes,  and  had  established  him 
self  in  business  in  one  of  the  Grecian  cities  of  Asia 
Minor.  For  some  time  he  was  extremely  prosper 
ous  in  his  negotiations,  and  by  degrees,  with  the 
view  of  increasing  his  means  of  operation,  had 
taken  the  control  of  a  large  portion  of  the  family 
property.  Everything  went  on  fortunately  with 
him,  until  one  disastrous  day,  in  the  year  1489. 
While  attending  the  matin  service,  at  a  convent 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  his  residence,  his  house 
was  broken  open  by  thieves ;  and,  as  he  writes  to 
Americus,  he  was  robbed  of  all  he  possessed,  in 
cluding  the  property  of  his  father,  and  the  ac 
cumulation  of  nine  years  of  incessant  toil  and 
watchfulness. 

This  severe  blow  greatly  cramped  the  resources 
of  the  whole  family;  and  on  the  receipt  of  his 
brother's  letter,  dated  July  24th,  1489,  which  was 
forwarded  to  him  by  a  Florentine  pilgrim,  who 
had  been  to  Jerusalem  to  visit  the  holy  sepul 
chre,  and  was  on  his  return  to  his  native  city, 
Americus  at  once  determined  to  attempt  to  re 
trieve,  in  some  measure,  his  brother's  losses ;  and 
for  that  purpose  to  proceed  to  Spain,  where  fair 
prospects  in  mercantile  life  were  opened  to 
him.* 

At  this  time,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  cousin  of  Lo 
renzo  the  Magnificent,  who  had  some  matters  of  im 
portance  to  attend  to  in  Barcelona,  commissioned 
Americus  as  his  agent;  and  he  accordingly  set 

*  BandinI,  ch.  ill.  p.  32. 
5  65 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

sail  from  Leghorn,  for  the  Spanish  city.  The  do 
minions  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  just  then  af 
forded  a  fine  field  for  profit  in  merchandise.  The 
splendid  court  of  those  illustrious  sovereigns,  and 
the  wars  they  had  for  a  long  time  prosecuted 
against  the  Moors,  had  drawn  from  all  quarters 
of  Europe  large  numbers  of  the  chivalrous  young 
nobility  of  the  age,  who  were  anxious  to  gain 
reputation  and  military  experience  on  the  field  of 
battle,  and  regarded  the  contest  with  the  infidels 
on  the  hills  of  Grenada  in  the  light  of  another 
Christian  crusade. 

Italian  merchants  and  bankers  were  not  back 
ward  in  taking  advantage  of  the  wants  occasioned 
by  this  great  influx  of  foreigners,  and  such  exten 
sive  military  movements.  A  great  many  of  them 
were  to  be  found  in  all  parts  of  the  Peninsula,  and 
in  the  records  of  Simaacas,  various  royal  decrees 
respecting  them  are  extant.  Among  them  is  a  war 
rant,  dated  in  1486,  granting  a  safe  conduct  to 
Juan  Berardi  and  other  Florentine  merchants,  from 
Barcelona  to  Seville.  The  connexion  of  Americus 
with  this  individual,  as  will  subsequently  appear, 
was  of  much  consequence,  and  must  have  taken 
place  soon  after  his  arrival  in  Spain,  if  not  before. 
It  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  it  originated  in 
Florence,  but  no  accurate  information  can  be  ob 
tained  on  the  subject.* 

On  his  departure  from  his  native  city,  he  was 
entrusted  with  the  charge  of  a  number  of  youth 
ful  Florentines,  who  were  placed  by  their  friends 
under  his  care,  and  who  went  with  him  to  acquire 
the  advantages  of  travel.    He  took  with  him  also 
his  nephew  Giovanni,  a  promising  youth,  to  whom 
he  was  warmly  attached,  and  who  subsequently 
accompanied  him  in  all  his  voyages,  and  became 
*  Navarrete,  Collecion  de  Viageg,  torn.  iii.  p.  315. 
66 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

a  skilful  navigator.  The  following  extract  from  a 
letter  which  is  preserved  by  Bandini,  was  copied 
by  that  biographer  from  a  manuscript  in  the 
handwriting  of  Americus,  which  was  preserved 
in  his  time,  in  the  collection  of  the  Abbot  Scar 
latti.* 

It  indicates  clearly  what  were  his  occupations 
as  late  as  the  early  part  of  1492 ;  and  is  worthy 
of  a  translation,  if  only  as  a  specimen  of  the  style 
of  mercantile  correspondence  of  the  age. 

"And  as  it  is  necessary  for  one  of  us.  either 
Americus  or  Donate,  to  proceed  in  a  short  time 
to  Florence,  we  shall  be  able  to  give  you  better 
information  on  all  points  by  word  of  mouth  than 
can  possibly  be  done  by  letter. 

As  yet,  it  has  been  impossible  to  do  any  thing 
-respecting  the  freight  of  salt,  for  want  of  a  vessel. 
For  some  time  past,  we  are  sorry  to  say,  no  ship 
has  arrived  here  which  was  not  chartered ;  be  con 
soled,  if  no  one  arrives  here,  that  we  shall  be  ac 
tive  for  your  interests. 

You  will  have  learned  from  the  elder  Donato 
the  good  fortune  which  has  happened  to  his  High-, 
ness  the  King;  assuredly  the  most  high  God  has 
given  him  His  aid ;  but  I  cannot  relate  it  to  you 
in  full— God  preserve  him  many  years,  and  us 
with  him  1 

*  Bandini,  chap.  iii.  p.  35.    Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  883. 

Peter  Martyr  speaks  of  this  Giovanni  Vespucci  in  the  highest 
terms,  and  says,  "  Young  Vespucius  is  one  to  whom  Americus 
Vespucius,  his  uncle,  left  the  exact  knowledge  of  the  mariner's 
faculties,  as  it  were,  by  inheritance  after  his  death,  for  he  was 
a  very  expert  master  in  the  knowledge  of  his  card,  his  compass, 
and  the  elevation  of  the  Pole  star  by  the  quadrant.  Vespucius 
is  my  very  familiar  friend,  and  a  witty  young  man,  in  whose 
company  I  take  great  pleasure,  and  therefore  use  him  oftentimes 
for  my  guest." 

67 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

There  is  nothing  new  to  communicate.    Christ 
preserve  you  I 
We  date,  January  30th,  1492. 

DONATO  NICOLLINI. 
AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS."* 

The  Nicollini  who  signs  the  above  letter  jointly 
with  Americus,  was  undoubtedly  connected  with 
him  in  business,  at  that  period ;  but  nothing  fur 
ther  concerning  him  can  be  determined,  and  it  is 
equally  doubtful  when  he  first  became  acquainted 
with  Berardi.  It  must,  however,  have  been  soon 
after  this  time ;  for  very  shortly  after  the  date  of 
this  letter,  Americus  went  to  Seville,  where  Berardi 
was  established. 

After  the  return  of  Columbus  from  his  first  voy 
age,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  contracted  with  Be 
rardi  to  furnish  and  equip  four  armaments,  to  be 
forwarded  at  different  times  to  the  New  World,  and 
Americus  is  found  to  be  busily  occupied,  in  con 
nexion  with  him,  receiving  payments  and  entering 
into  obligations  in  his  behalf  and  name.  Some 
have  supposed  that  he  was  only  the  agent  of  Be 
rardi  in  these  transactions ;  but  it  is  more  proba 
ble  that  Le  became  a  partner  in  the  house,  as, 
after  the  death  of  Berardi,  Americus  still  contin 
ued  to  manage  all  the  affairs  of  the  armaments, 
and  w;;s  paid  large  sums  of  money  by  the  govern 
ment,  for  equipments  previously  effected,  t 

*  Bandinl,  chap.  ill.  p.  35,  36. 

t  Entre  varias  partidas  de  maravedls  que  en  cuenta  del  flete 
de  estas  naves  se  abonaron  a  Berurdi,  por  el  tesorero  Pinelo,  de 
drden  de  D.  Juan  Fonseca,  bay  dos  que  recibid  Amerigo  Ves- 
puche  a"  nombre  del  mlsmo  Berardi,  y  habiendo  este  fallecido, 
en  Diciembre  de  1495—"  Vespuche  se  encargo  de  tener  la  cuenta 
con  los  Maestres  del  flete  y  suelde  que  hobiesen  de  haber,  segun 
el  asiento,  que  el  dicho  Juanoto  hizo  con  ellos,  y  del  manteni- 
mlento,  Ac.  Para  lo  cual  reclbto1—  Amerigo  de  Pinelo  10.000 
68 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

It  has  been  thought,  by  some  historians,  that 
Americus  accompanied  Columbus  upon  his  second 
voyage ;  but  there  is  no  evidence,  which  is  of  much 
weight,  to  sustain  the  opinion,  and  his  own  ac 
counts  tend  to  contradict  it.* 

The  period  at  which  Americus  may  be  said  to 
have  first  commenced  active  life  was.  without 
doubt,  the  most  important  epoch  in  modern  his 
tory.  If  it  were  possible  to  transport  oneself  back, 
in  propria  persona,  to  the  year  1490,  it  would  be 
easy  to  analyze  the  probable  condition  of  his  mind 
at  the  date  of  his  departure  from  Florence,  and 
imagination  can  only  partially  supply  the  vacuum, 
which  is  felt  in  the  lack  of  any  writings  of  his 
own.  Remarkable  events  had  followed  each  other 
with  startling  rapidity,  during  the  century  which 
was  then  drawing  to  its  close.  The  sudden  ad 
vancement  of  literature,  the  revival  of  art,  and 
the  improvement  in  the  science  of  navigation, 
must  each  have  exerted  a  direct  influence  over  his 


maravedis  en  12  de  Enero  de  1496."  Siguio  Vespucio  disponi- 
endo  todas  las  cosas  hasta  despachar  la  armada  en  San  Lucar.— 
Navarrete,  torn.  lil.  p.  315-317. 

*  The  four  voyages  of  Vespucius  are  described  by  Munster,  in 
his  Cosmography,  printed  in  Latin  in  1550.  He  says,  "Ameri 
cus  Vespucius,  after  having  been  sent  by  Ferdinand,  King  of 
Castile,  about  the  year  1492,  in  company  with  Columbus,  to  sect 
out  unknown  lands,  after  a  few  years  elapsed,  being  learned  in 
navigation,  made  voyages  by  himself,— two  for  the  said  King 
Ferdinand,  and  two  for  Emanuel,  King  of  Portugal,  and  wrote 
concerning  them  in  the  following  manner."  But  it  is  rendered 
certain  that  Munster  was  in  error  in  his  statement.— Bandini, 
ch.  iv.  p.  58.  Canovai  says,  "  Accordingly,  in  1403,  Vespucius 
was  deputed  by  Ferdinand  to  accompany  Columbus  in  his 
second  voyage,  in  the  quality  of  an  apprentice."  But  he  gives 
no  authority  but  Munster  for  his  statement.— Canovai,  Fita, 
Ac.,  torn.  ii.  p.  50.  Irving  says,  "The  first  notice  of  a  positive 
form  which  we  have  of  Vespucci  as  resident  in  Spain  is  early  in 
1496."  This  is  as  manifest  an  error  as  that  of  Munster.— 
Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  881. 

69 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

mind.  He  was  no  longer  a  youth,  but  in  the  full 
est  vigour  of  manhood,  competent  to  think,  and 
think  deeply,  on  all  the  great  subjects  of  thought 
which  agitated  the  age.  It  was  an  age,  too,  of 
great  intellectual  activity,  resembling  more  near 
ly  the  present,  than  any  which  had  preceded  it. 
Knowledge  was  taking  vast  strides.  No  solitary 
subject  of  contemplation,  like  the  Crusades,  occu 
pied  the  minds  of  all,  to  the  exclusion  of  every 
thing  else.  Every  science,  every  theory  of  politics 
or  religion,  every  department  of  art,  attracted 
and  received  its  share  of  attention. 

It  may  reasonably  be  supposed  that  Americus 
experienced  his  proportion  of  the  restlessness  and 
anticipation  which  filled  the  public  mind.  He, 
with  the  rest  of  the  world,  was  looking  out  anx 
iously,  though  with  indefinite  hopes,  for  the  com 
ing  of  great  events.  Perhaps,  even  as  he  entered 
the  ship  which  was  to  bear  him  from  his  native 
country,  he  felt  in  his  heart  a  presage  of  his  future 
fame ;  and  while  visions  of  yet  undiscovered  lands 
floated  before  his  eyes,  inwardly  resolved  to  take 
a  prominent  part  himself  in  the  drama  of  prog 
ress  and  improvement  then  being  enacted  in  the 
theatre  of  the  world. 


70 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTER  V. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  recall  to  the  reader's 
mind  the  great  event  of  the  year  1492.  After  a 
long  series  of  disappointments  and  reverses,  Co 
lumbus  had  induced  the  Spanish  sovereigns  to  lend 
their  ears  to  his  representations ;  and  that  memo 
rable  year,  an  epoch  nearly  as  familiar  to  the 
memory  of  all  as  that  of  the  coming  of  the  Sa 
viour,  crowned  his  hopes  with  triumph. 

It  must  have  been  soon  after  his  return  from 
his  first  voyage  of  discovery,  when  the  acquaint 
ance  of  Americus  with  the  admiral  commenced. 
Columbus  is  described  by  his  contemporaries  as 
being  of  a  commanding  personal  appearance.  Tall 
and  muscular,  and  well  proportioned  in  form,  he 
happily  blended  in  his  address  a  certain  suavity 
and  affability  of  manner,  with  the  greatest  dignity. 
His  complexion  was  fair,  and  his  hair,  which  had 
once  been  fight,  had  changed  to  grey.  Piercing 
grey  eyes,  which,  when  he  was  engaged  in  discus 
sion  or  conversation,  would  kindle  and  flash  with 
peculiar  brightness,  gave  life  to  features  otherwise 
rather  melancholy  in  their  general  effect.  His 
temper  was  naturally  hasty,  but  he  seldom  al 
lowed  it  to  appear  in  his  conversation  by  any 
want  of  courtesy  in  his  language.* 

Americus  is  described  as   being   of  about  the 
middle  height,  of  rather  a  brawny  and  thickset 
frame.    The  shape  of  his  head  was  peculiarly  strik 
ing.    His  forehead  was  low  and  retreating,  but  of 
great  breadth  and  massiveness,  and  his  temples 
*  Irving's  Works,  Paris  Ed.,  vol.  li.  p.  613. 
71 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

were  unusually  expanded.  One  look  at  the  for 
mation  of  his  skull,  which  showed  that  there  ex 
isted  a  vast  preponderance  of  the  intellectual  over 
the  animal  developments  of  the  brain,  would  have 
satisfied  a  phrenologist  that  he  beheld  a  remark 
able  man.  His  eyes  were  large  and  black,  his  nose 
aquiline,  and  his  cheek  bones  rather  prominent. 
His  mouth  was  singularly  expressive  of  firmness 
mingled  with  amiability.  His  complexion  was 
dark,  and  inclining  to  sallow.  His  hair  was  origi 
nally  black,  but  at  this  time  was  slightly  mixed 
with  grey.  His  beard  was  thick  and  bushy,  and 
was  preserved  entire.  The  portrait  of  him,  from 
which  was  taken  the  engraving  that  appears  at 
the  commencement  of  this  volume,  was  painted 
many  years  after  the  date  of  his  first  interview 
with  Columbus,  when  he  had  become  nearly  bald. 
In  his  address,  although  possessed  of  less  dignity 
of  demeanour  than  Columbus,  there  was  a  gentle 
ness  and  retiring  modesty,  which  was  highly  at 
tractive.  His  temper  was  mild  and  equable,  and 
he  never  suffered  it  to  gain  the  mastery  over  him 
in  his  speech. 

Such,  as  nearly  as  can  be  ascertained  at  this 
period,  was  the  personal  appearance  of  the  two 
great  men,  when  they  first  came  together.  Amer- 
icus,  as  has  been  said  before,  was  greatly  excited 
by  the  reports  of  the  discoveries  of  Columbus, 
and  had  eagerly  investigated  them.  There  is  evi 
dence  in  his  writings,  that  he  arrived  at  very  dif 
ferent  conclusions  as  to  their  ultimate  tendency, 
from  those  of  the  admiral ;  and  it  is  scarcely  prob 
able  that  two  such  men  should  have  met  as  they 
did,  without  an  interchange  of  their  peculiar  senti 
ments,  on  a  subject  which  was  engrossing  the  at 
tention  of  both.  It  has  seemed  best  to  set  before 
the  reader  a  brief  sketch  of  some  of  the  different 
72 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

views  which  influenced  them,  in  the  form  of  a 
friendly  dialogue  between  the  two  rather  than  in 
the  shape  of  a  dissertation. 

Care  has  been  taken  that  no  idea  should  be  at 
tributed  to  either  which  their  several  writings  do 
not  indicate  as  existing  in  their  own  minds.  At 
the  same  time,  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  the 
views  expressed  by  Americus  were  the  settled  con 
victions  of  his  mind ;  they  were  rather  the  specula 
tions  of  an  active  spirit,  acting  upon  the  natu 
ral  doubts  suggested  by  inquiry  into  a  subject, 
where  all  was  vague  and  undecided.  Columbus  ap 
pears,  as  he  really  existed,  in  all  the  confidence  of 
enthusiasm ;  Americus  rather  as  a  sceptic,  anxious 
to  extract  the  truth  from  the  mass  of  mingled 
truth  and  error  which  lay  before  him.  That 
neither  of  the  two  was  free  from  error,  is  not  to 
be  wondered  at;  but  that  the  speculations  of 
Americus  were  much  the  most  divested  of  absurd 
ities,  subsequent  discoveries  have  amply  proved.* 

The  greatest  doubt  which  existed  in  the  mind 
of  Americus,  was  in  relation  to  the  distance  be 
tween  Europe  and  the  eastern  shores  of  Asia.  He 
always  discredited  the  measurement  of  longitude, 
which  was  invented  by  Toscanelli,  and  communi 
cated  to  Columbus,  and  the  recent  discoveries  of 
the  latter  tended  to  strengthen  those  doubts, 
rather  than  to  abate  them. 

The  conversation  which  follows  should  be  looked 

*  Mr.  Irving  says,  "  When  Vespucci  wrote  his  letters,  there 
was  not  a  doubt  entertained  but  that  Columbus  had  discovered 
the  main  land  in  his  first  voyage.  Cuba  being  always  consid 
ered  the  extremity  of  Asia,  until  circumnavigated  in  1508. 
Vespucci  may  have  supposed  Brazil,  Paria,  and  the  rest  of  that 
coast  part  of  a  distinct  continent,  &c."— Irving'1  s  Works,  Paris 
Ed.  p.  885,  886.  This  admission  is  striking,  inasmuch  as  the 
Letters  of  Americus  were  all  written  previous  to  1508,  and  con 
tain  ample  confirmation  of  the  opinion  that  he  thought  he  had 
arrived  at  a  new  continent.— Fide  infra,  Letter  to  Soderini. 
73 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

upon  as  the  commencement  of  a  discussion,  and 
not  as  a  discussion  itself.  Abstruse  and  minute 
calculations  were  doubtless  entered  into  by  the 
two  navigators,  to  confirm  their  peculiar  views. 
Columbus  was  a  man  ever  ready  to  receive  sug 
gestions  and  acquire  information  from  whatever 
source,  and  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  he  con 
sidered  the  opinions  of  Americus,  though  mater 
ially  at  variance  with  his  own,  as  he  did  the 
absurd  objections  which  were  raised  to  his  first 
voyage  by  some  of  the  over- wise  doctors  at  Sala 
manca.  Though  pertinacious  in  his  adherence  to 
his  own  enthusiastic  theories,  he  was  ever  ready 
to  give  ear  to  any  doubt  which  carried  with  it  the 
semblance  of  reason,  or  was  susceptible  of  being 
supported  by  plausible  argument.* 

*  The  two  navigators  agreed  upon  many  important  theories 
entirely.  The  great  difference  of  their  discussion,  from  that 
which  Columhus  held  with  the  conclave  at  Salamanca,  will  be 
better  understood  after  a  perusal  of  the  account  of  the  absurd 
objections  which  were  then  raised  to  his  theories,  which  is 
found  in  Mr.  Irving's  Life  of  the  Admiral.  He  says, 

"  At  the  very  threshold  of  the  discussion,  instead  of  geograph 
ical  objections,  Columbus  was  assailed  by  quotations  from  the 
Bible  and  the  Testament,  the  Book  of  Genesis,  the  Psalms  of 
David,  the  Prophets,  the  Epistles,  and  the  Gospels.  To  these  were 
added  the  expositions  of  various  saints  and  reverend  commen 
tators,  St.  Chrysostome  and  St.  Augustine,  St.  Jerome  and  St. 
Gregory,  St.  Basil  and  St.  Ambrose,  and  Lactantius  Firmianus, 
a  redoubted  champion  of  the  faith.  Doctrinal  points  were 
mixed  up  with  philosophical  discussions,  and  a  mathematical 
demonstration  was  allowed  no  truth,  if  it  appeared  to  clash 
with  a  text  of  Scripture,  or  a  commentary  of  one  of  the  fathers. 
Thus  the  possibility  of  antipodes  in  the  southern  hemisphere, 
an  opinion  so  generally  maintained  by  the  wisest  of  the  ancients, 
as  to  be  pronounced  by  Pliny  the  great  contest  between  the 
learned  and  the  ignorant,  became  a  stumbling-block  with  some 
of  the  sages  of  Salamanca.  Several  of  them  stoutly  contra 
dicted  this  basis  of  the  theory  of  Columbus,  supporting  them 
selves  by  quotations  from  Lactantius  and  St.  Augustine,  who 
were  considered  in  those  days  as  almost  evangelical  authority. 
But  though  these  writers  were  men  of  consummate  erudition, 
74 


AMERICUS  VESPUC1US. 

COLUMBUS. 

It  grieves  me  much,  worthy  Signer  Vespucci,  to 
learn  from  our  friend  the  Signor  Berardi  that  you 
do  not  estimate  as  I  do,  the  result  of  our  recent 
navigation  in  the  West.  With  your  well-known 
skill  in  cosmography,  I  fear  me.  you  combine  more 
of  doubt  than  would  be  becoming  to  a  Christian 
navigator. 

AMEEICUS. 

Your  Excellency  mistakes  my  views  greatly,  or 
has  been  misinformed  of  them.  Far  from  under 
valuing  the  effect  of  the  discoveries  which  your 
genius  has  accomplished,  I  am  the  rather  disposed 
to  place  a  greater  estimate  upon  them,  than  does 
the  Admiral  Colon  himself.  If  I  judged  them  in 

and  two  of  the  greatest  luminaries  of  what  has  been  called  the 
golden  age  of  Ecclesiastical  learning,  yet  their  writings  were 
calculated  to  perpetuate  darkness  in  respect  to  the  sciences. 

"  The  passage  cited  by  Lactantius  to  confute  Columbus  is  in  a 
strain  of  gross  ridicule,  unworthy  of  so  grave  a  theologian.  '  Is 
there  any  one  so  foolish,'  he  asks,  'as  to  believe  that  there  are 
antipodes  with  their  feet  opposite  to  ours ;  people  who  walk 
with  their  feet  upwards  and  their  heads  hanging  down  ?  That 
there  is  a  part  of  the  world  in  which  all  things  are  topsy-turvy ; 
where  the  trees  grow  with  their  branches  downward,  and  where 
it  rains,  hails  and  snows  upward  ?  The  idea  of  the  roundness 
of  the  earth,'  he  adds,  k  was  the  cause  of  inventing  this  fable  of 
the  antipodes  with  their  heels  in  the  air :  for  these  philosophers 
having  once  erred,  go  on  in  their  absurdities,  defending  one 
another.'  More  grave  objections  were  urged  on  the  authority 
of  St.  Augustine.  He  pronounces  the  doctrine  of  the  antipodes 
incompatible  with  the  historical  foundations  of  our  faith ;  since 
to  assert  that  there  were  inhabited  lands  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  globe,  would  be  to  maintain  that  there  were  nations  not 
descended  from  Adam,  it  being  impossible  for  them  to  have 
passed  the  intervening  ocean.  This  would  be,  therefore,  to  dis 
credit  the  Bible,  which  expressly  declares,  that  all  men  are 
descended  from  one  common  parent. 

"  Such  were  the  unlooked-for  prejudices  which  Columbus  had 
to  encounter  at  the  very  outset  of  his  conference,  and  which 
certainly  relish  more  of  the  convent  than  of  the  university.  To 
75 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

the  light  in  which  they  are  viewed  by  the  most  of 
those  who  hope  to  profit  by  them,  then  indeed  the 
imputation  would  be  just,  considering  that  I  have 
freely  expressed  what  has  occurred  to  my  own 
thoughts :  but  I  look  not  to  such  things,  and 
well  I  know  that  your  own  mind  is  above  them. 

COLUMBUS. 

In  that  respect  you  do  me  but  justice.  If  I  look 
for  gain  in  aught  that  I  have  undertaken,  it  is 
only  that  I  may  devote  it  to  a  holy  purpose. 
Have  I  not,  even  within  the  last  few  days,  re 
corded  my  solemn  oath  that  I  would,  in  the  event 

his  simplest  proposition,  the  spherical  form  of  the  earth,  were 
opposed  figurative  texts  of  Scripture.  They  observed  that  in 
the  Psalms,  the  heavens  are  said  to  be  extended  like  a  hide,  that 
is,  according  to  commentators,  the  curtain,  or  covering  of  a  tent, 
which,  among  ancient  pastoral  nations,  was  formed  of  the 
hides  of  animals ;  and  that  St.  Paul,  in  his  epistle  to  the  He 
brews,  compares  the  heavens  to  a  tabernacle  or  tent,  extended 
over  the  earth,  which  they  thence  inferred  must  be  flat.  Colum 
bus,  who  was  a  devoutly  religious  man,  found  that  he  was  in 
danger  of  being  convicted,  not  merely  of  error,  but  of  hetero 
doxy.  Others,  more  versed  in  science,  admitted  the  globular 
form  of  the  earth,  and  the  possibility  of  an  opposite  and  inhab 
itable  hemisphere,  but  they  brought  up  the  chimera  of  the  an 
cients,  and  maintained  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  arrive 
there  in  consequence  of  the  insupportable  heat  of  the  torrid 
zone.  Even  granting  this  could  be  passed,  they  observed,  that 
the  circumference  of  the  earth  must  be  so  great  as  to  require  at 
least  three  years  for  the  voyage,  and  those  who  should  under 
take  it  must  perish  of  hunger  and  thirst,  from  the  impossibility 
of  carrying  provisions  for  so  long  a  period.  He  was  told,  on  the 
authority  of  Epicurus,  that  admitting  the  earth  to  be  spherical, 
it  was  only  inhabitable  in  the  Northern  Hemisphere,  and  in 
that  section  only  was  canopied  by  the  heavens ;  that  the  oppo 
site  half  was  a  chaos,  a  gulf,  or  a  mere  waste  of  water.  Not  the 
least  absurd  objection  advanced  was,  that  should  a  ship  even 
succeed  in  reaching,  in  this  way,  the  extremity  of  India,  she 
could  never  get  back  again,  for  the  rotundity  of  the  globe  would 
present  a  kind  of  mountain,  up  which  it  would  be  impossible 
for  her  to  sail  with  the  most  favourable  wind."— Irving,  vol. 
ii.  p.  627. 

76 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

of  my  prosperous  arrival  at  the  wealthy  capital 
of  the  Grand  Khan,  (whom,  by  the  favour  of 
God,  I  hope  to  convert  to  the  true  faith) ,  employ 
the  riches  I  shall  acquire  in  the  equipment  of  a 
force  of  four  thousand  horse  and  fifty  thousand 
foot,  for  the  recovery  of  the  holy  sepulchre  from 
the  hands  of  the  infidels?  I  am  unwilling  to  think 
that  your  speech  tends  to  the  end  of  imputing  to 
me  mercenary  motives,  but  wherein  do  we  differ? 
Is  not  the  way  opened,  and  will  not  the  inter 
course  I  mean  to  establish  with  the  Pagan  mon 
arch  contribute  greatly  to  the  purposes  I  keep  in 
view?  The  holy  father  at  Rome  himself  lends  me 
encouragement  in  my  undertaking,  and  regards 
with  approbation  my  efforts  to  lead  into  the  true 
church  so  mighty  a  potentate.* 

AMERICUS. 

With  all  the  deference  that  is  due  to  your 
Excellency's  superior  wisdom  and  experience,  I 
would  state,  that  therein  lies  the  very  point  of 
our  difference.  I  deem  it  by  no  means  certain  that 
your  ships  have  touched  the  territories  of  the 
Grand  Khan  at  all,  but  rather  a  land  which  has 
hitherto  been  alike  unknown  to  him  and  to  us. 
Thousands  of  leagues  may  yet  intervene  between 

*  "  While  the  mind  of  Columbus  was  thus  teeming  with  glo 
rious  anticipations,  his  pious  scheme  for  the  deliverance  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre  was  not  forgotten.  It  has  been  shown  that  he 
suggested  it  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns  at  the  time  of  flrst  mak 
ing  his  propositions,  holding  it  forth  as  the  great  object  to  be 
effected  by  the  profits  of  his  discoveries.  Flushed  with  the  idea 
of  the  vast  wealth  that  was  now  to  accrue  to  himself,  he  made 
a  vow  to  furnish  within  seven  years  an  army  consisting  of  four 
thousand  horse  and  fifty  thousand  foot,  for  the  rescue  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre,  and  a  similar  force  within  the  five  following 
years.  It  is  essential  to  a  full  comprehension  of  the  character 
of  Columbus,  that  this  wild  and  visionary  project  should  be 
borne  in  recollection."— Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  680. 
77 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

that  land  and  his  dominions,  whether  of  sea  or 
earth  remains  to  be  discovered;  and  I  judge  in 
this   wise,  as  well  from  the  accounts  of  cosmog- 
raphers,  who  have  written  upon  the  subject,  as 
from  the   description  of  the  barbarous  natives, 
which  you  yourself  have  fallen  in  with,  in  your 
recent  discoveries.    The  accounts  of  those  who 
have  penetrated  to  the  distant  regions  of  the  East 
lead  us  to  understand  that  the  subjects  of  the 
Grand  Khan  live  in  the  midst  of  the  most  profuse 
wealth  and  luxury,  and     edeck  themselves  with 
superfine  garments,  and  much  gold  and  jewelry. 
These  people,  however,  are  naked  and  wild,  and 
may  be  looked  upon  as  little   superior  to  the 
beasts,  and  I  think  cannot  be  in  any  way  con 
nected  with  a  monarch  of  such  magnificence.    My 
own  thoughts  lead  me  to  the  conviction,   that 
there  exists  near  unto  the  lands  you  have  visited, 
an  immense  country,  which  may  possibly  belong 
to,  and  be  part  of,  the  Khan's  dominions,  though 
I  doubt  if  such  be  the  case.    Marco  Polo  himself 
speaks  of  an  island  lying  far  out  in  the  ocean 
which  washes  the  eastern  shores  of  Asia,  the  great 
Cipango,  abounding  in  riches  and  precious  stones, 
which  has  never  been  subdued  by  the  sovereign  of 
Cathay,  although  he  has  made  many  attempts  to 
conquer  it.    This  island  I  deem  it  necessary  to 
discover,  in  the  first  place ;  then,  even  after  it  is  cir 
cumnavigated  or  passed  over,  and  the  last  may 
be  the  easiest  way,  a  voyage  of  long  duration 
will  still  have  to  be  accomplished  before  the  em 
pire  of  Cathay  is  reached.    When  I  speak  of  a 
passage   over  this   unknown  island,  I  do  so  in 
view  of  its  great  extent,  as  I  estimate  it  to  be  of 
such  size,  that  it  might  more  properly  be  desig 
nated  Terra  Firma,  being,  according  to  my  cal 
culations,  as  large,  if  not  larger,  than  the  whole 
78 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

of  Europe.  And  herein  do  I  estimate  most  highly 
the  worth  of  the  discoveries  which  your  Excellency 
has  made,  and  their  importance  to  this  realm, 
as  it  will  now  be  comparatively  easy  to  pass  the 
lands  you  have  fallen  in  with,  by  sailing  either 
in  a  more  northerly  or  a  more  southerly  direction, 
in  either  case  striking  the  country  I  have  in  my 
mind.* 

COLUMBUS. 

Nay.  nay,  good  Signor  Vespucci,  I  have  the  confi 
dence  in  my  heart  that  you  are  mistaken.  I  feel 
persuaded,  by  the  many  and  wonderful  manifesta 
tions  of  Divine  Providence  in  my  especial  favour, 
that  I  am  the  chosen  instrument  of  God  in  bring 
ing  to  pass  a  great  event— no  less  than  the  con 
version  of  millions  who  are  now  existing  in  the 
darkness  of  Paganism. f  I  would,  indeed,  provide 

*  Vide  infra— Letter  to  Soderini,  chap,  vii.— where  Americus 
says,  "We  sailed  so  rapidly  that  at  the  end  of  twenty-seven 
days  we  came  in  sight  of  land,  which  we  judged  to  be  a  conti 
nent,  heing  about  a  thousand  leagues  west  of  the  Grand  Ca 
naries,"  &c. 

"Unless  the  reader  bears  in  mind  these  sumptuous  descrip 
tions  of  Marco  Polo,  of  countries  teeming  with  wealth,  and 
cities  whose  very  domes  and  palaces  flamed  with  gold,  he  will 
have  but  a  faint  idea  of  the  splendid  anticipations  of  Columbus 
when  he  discovered,  as  he  supposed,  the  extremity  of  Asia."— 
Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  906.— Also,  vide  supra,  the  first  note  to  this 
Chapter. 

t  On  one  occasion  during  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus,  there 
was  a  heavy  swell  of  the  sea  during  a  perfect  calm,  a  phenom 
enon  which  is  now  perfectly  understood  by  mariners,  and  which 
occurs  very  frequently.  "  Columbus,  who  considered  himself 
under  the  immediate  eye  and  guardianship  of  Heaven  in  the 
solemn  enterprise,  intimates  in  his  journal  that  this  swelling  of 
the  sea  seemed  providentially  ordered  to  allay  the  rising  clam 
ours  of  his  crew— comparing  it  to  that  which  so  providentially 
aided  Moses  when  conducting  the  children  of  Israel  out  of  the 
captivity  of  Egypt."— Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  643.  Navcvnrete,  torn 
i.  Journal  of  Columbus. 

79 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

for  the  good  of  the  poor  natives  we  have  already 
met  with,  as  well  by  building  cities  on  their  isl 
ands,  and  cultivating  their  lands,  as  by  the 
erection  of  churches,  and  the  establishment  of 
holy  priests  and  Christian  worship.  But  I  would 
by  no  means  forget  the  greater  end  in  view: 
namely,  that  of  bringing  to  bear  upon  the  infidels 
the  wealth  and  power  of  the  vast  kingdom  of 
Cathay;  that  thus,  being  encompassed  on  all 
hands  by  armies  from  Europe  on  the  one  side, 
and  by  the  innumerable  hosts  of  Asia  on  the  other, 
they  may  be  utterly  destroyed,  and  the  tomb  of 
our  Lord  be  again  placed  in  the  possession  of 
true  believers.  I  will  not  think  that  so  enlight 
ened  a  sovereign  as  the  Grand  Khan  is  represented 
to  us,  would  refuse  to  submit  at  once  to  the  au 
thority  of  Holy  Mother  Church;  but  if  he  does, 
it  will  become  our  duty  to  convert  him  by  the 
sword  of  faith.  In  these  things  I  marvel  much  at 
your  incredulity.  Signer  Vespucci,  seeing  that  you 
have  had  often  opportunities  of  conversing  with 
the  learned  physician  Paolo,  your  own  country 
man,  (peace  be  to  his  ashes,)  who,  in  his  life 
time,  coincided  so  nearly  with  uie  in  opinion. 

AMEBICUS. 

I  have,  indeed,  as  your  Excellency  observes, 
oftentimes  disputed  and  argued  with  the  venera 
ble  Toscanelli,  and  to  him  is  due  much  of  the 
little  knowledge  I  have  been  able  to  acquire  in 
cosmography  and  astronomy.  But  from  him  1 
also  learned,  that  the  descriptions  which  are  given 
by  Marco  Polo  were  considered  by  many  wise  men 
as  not  altogether  beyond  the  reach  of  doubt,  and 
irrefutable.  And  even  to  his  own  apprehension 
there  were  many  apparent  exaggerations  and 
mis-statements.  If,  then,  he  is  in  error  in  some 
80 


AMEKICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

particulars,  how  shall  we  draw  the  line,  and  say 
wherein  he  speaks  the  truth  of  his  own  knowl 
edge?  And  how  could  he  know  the  distance 
which  exists  between  Cathay  and  the  western 
shores  of  Europe,  save  by  hearsay  and  the  reports 
of  mariners  on  that  unknown  shore,  who  them 
selves  must  have  been  falsifiers,  as  it  is  well  known 
that  not  one  of  them  has  ever  appeared  here,  who 
might  have  estimated  the  distance?  I  cannot 
think  that  we  are  so  near  to  Cathay  as  your  Ex 
cellency  supposes,  and  had  much  rather  follow 
the  opinion,  that  you  have  possibly  approached 
the  shore  that  has  been  hitherto  represented  as 
inaccessible  to  mortals.* 

COLUMBUS. 

You  speak  of  the  Paradise,  which  so  many 
sound  and  able  divines  assert  to  be  still  in  exist 
ence  on  the  earth. 

*  Both  Americus  and  Columbus  were  inclined  to  believe  in 
the  doctrine  of  the  existence  of  a  terrestrial  paradise.  With 
Americus,  however,  it  was  rather  a  subject  of  pleasant  contem 
plation  than  actual  belief.  He  speaks  respecting  it  always  with 
a  qualification :  "If  there  be  a  terrestrial  paradise  on  earth, 
doubtless  it  cannot  be  far  from  these  places."— Fide  infra, 
Letter  to  Piero  de  Medici. 

Columbus,  on  the  contrary,  was  full  of  enthusiasm  upon  the 
subject,  and  looked  upon  it  as  having  an  undoubted  existence. 
These  opinions  are  not  to  be  wondered  at,  as  they  were  enter 
tained  by  many  philosophers  of  that  and  previous  ages.  The 
most  fanciful  accounts  were  given  of  this  imaginary  spot  and 
its  presumed  locality. -Some  placed  it  in  the  grand  oasis  of 
Arabia,  others  in  the  Holy  Land,  and  others  again  in  India. 
Wherever  located,  it  was  the  garden  of  Eden,  and  the  waters  of 
the  great  fountain  therein  are  said  by  St.  Ambrose  to  have 
emptied  themselves  into  an  immense  lake,  with  such  awful  noise 
that  all  the  people  living  in  the  neighbourhood  were  born  deaf. 
Columbus  thought  that  the  immense  mass  of  fresh  water,  which 
filled  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  came  from  this  fountain.-- Irving*  vol. 
II.  p.  923-934. 

6  81 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 
AMERICUS. 

I  do ;  though  not  as  firmly  believing  in  the  re 
lation  as  they  do.  If  there  is  such  a  place  existing 
as  is  described  by  the  eloquent  St.  Basil,  methinks 
it  must  be  near  unto  the  balmy  islands  which  you 
have  discovered,  so  similar  in  climate  and  verdancy. 

COLUMBUS. 

Such,  indeed,  has  often  been  my  own  opinion, 
and  I  deem  it  not  to  be  inconsistent  with  the 
other,  which  holds  to  the  proximity  of  Cathay. 
Oh  that  I  might,  through  the  grace  of  God  and 
intercession  of  the  saints,  ever  arrive  at  that 
blessed  spot,  where  all  is  beauty  and  happiness ; 
where  the  harmonious  notes  of  the  birds  ever  fall 
gratefully  on  the  ear;  where  the  air  is  filled  with 
the  aroma  of  sweet  flowers,  and  a  perpetual 
spring,  combining  with  its  own  beauties  those  of 
every  other  season  of  the  year,  continually  pre 
vails  ;  where  the  limpid  waters  flow  smoothly  and 
gently,  or  gush  forth  in  pure  fountains,  ever  ready 
for  the  thirsty  mouth,  the  liquid  exhilarating,  but 
never  cloying;  where  all  is  perennial  youth,  and 
neither  decay  nor  death  are  known.  But  I  per 
ceive,  Signer  Vespucci,  that  you  are  incredulous, 
also,  as  to  this  blissful  region,  and  even  smile  at 
my  belief.  Remember,  then,  that  herein  I  only 
follow  the  opinions  of  wise  and  learned  fathers  of 
the  church;  but  in  regard  to  Cathay,  that  I  am 
supported  by  ample  proof,  from  the  discoveries 
of  travellers  and  the  relations  of  cosmographers. 

AMERICUS. 

I  am  ever  willing  to  yield  to  proof ;  but  methinks 
that  the  foundation  of  the  error  under  which  I 
conceive  your  Excellency  to  labour  is  this :  that 
you  do  not  make  a  sufficient  allowance  for  exag 
geration  in  the  accounts  of  the  great  traveller, 
82 


AMERICUS  VESPTJCIUS. 

Marco  Polo.  It  appears  to  me  that  he  has  de 
ceived  himself  as  to  the  extent  to  which  he  pene 
trated,  and  that  thereby  he  has  carried  out  the 
eastern  coast  of  Cathay  too  far  into  the  ocean. 
That  being  done,  the  learned  physician,  my  coun 
tryman,  in  following  him,  finds  it  necessary  to 
shorten  the  extent  of  ocean  which  intervenes  be 
tween  Cathay  and  Europe,  in  order  to  render 
accurate  his  estimate  of  the  circumference  of  the 

globe. 

COLUMBUS. 

I  note  your  objections,  but  cannot  deem  them 
correct,  and  yet  hope  to  deliver  the  letters  of  our 
sovereigns,  with  which  I  was  charged  in  my  recent 
voyage,  to  the  Grand  Khan  in  person.  But  let  us 
examine  accurately  into  this  question  of  longitude, 
for  therein  I  am  interested  deeply,  and  have  small 
doubt  that  I  can  turn  you  to  my  opinions. 

AMERICUS. 

Most  gladly  will  I  do  so,  noble  Admiral,  for  I 
am  strongly  moved  to  tempt  the  ocean  myself,  in 
the  hope  of  adding  something  to  the  knowledge  of 
mariners. 

It  requires  but  a  slight  effort  of  the  imagina 
tion,  to  fancy  the  two  great  navigators  seated 
at  a  table  covered  with  charts,  and  busily  oc 
cupied  in  explaining  to  each  other  their  peculiar 
views.  Intense  thought  is  pictured  on  the  coun 
tenances  of  both.  Both  are  striving  to  fill  up  the 
vast  void  of  the  Atlantic,  as  it  was  drawn  on 
those  imperfect  maps,  with  new  islands  and  conti 
nents,  and  as  the  world  grows,  as  it  were,  beneath 
their  hands,  they  seem  themselves  half  amazed  at 
the  boldness  of  their  own  conceptions,  and  turn, 
one  to  the  other,  for  encouragement  and  approval. 
83 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER  VI. 

In  consequence  of  the  death  of  Juan  Berardi, 
which  occurred  in  the  month  of  December,  1495, 
the  entire  management  of  their  business  affairs 
devolved  upon  Americus,  and  he  devoted  himself 
steadily  to  the  settlement  of  all  the  outstanding 
accounts  of  the  house,  while  he  continued  to  con 
duct  the  preparations  for  the  forwarding  of  new 
fleets  to  the  Indies.  The  researches  and  industry 
of  Navarrete  have  brought  to  light  many  docu 
ments  bearing  upon  this  period  of  his  history. 
The  payment  of  various  sums  of  money  in  liqui 
dation  of  the  old  demands  of  the  house,  and  or 
ders  of  the  public  officers  for  various  other  sums, 
clearly  indicate  the  occupation  of  his  tima.  On 
the  12th  of  January,  1496,  Bernardo  Pinelo,  the 
treasurer  of  the  kingdom,  paid  to  Americus  the 
sum  of  10,000  maravedis,  on  account  of  the  pay 
and  subsistence  of  the  mariners  of  one  of  the  ex 
peditions  which  Berardi  had  forwarded.  An  arma 
ment  which  was  in  course  of  preparation  at  the 
time  of  his  partner's  death,  under  the  contract 
which  he  held  with  the  government,  was  de 
spatched  by  Americus  on  the  3d  of  February,  1496. 
This  expedition,  on  the  18th  of  the  same  month, 
was  overtaken  by  a  violent  gale  and  totally 
wrecked;  the  crews,  with  the  exception  of  three 
men  who  were  lost,  barely  escaping  with  their 
lives.* 

When  the  public  records  cease  to  mention  the 

*  See  Translation  of  Documents  from  the  Collection  of  Navar- 
re'te.— • See  also  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  881. 
84 


AAO3RICUS  VESPDCIUS. 

name  of  Americus,  his  own  letter  to  Piero  Soderini, 
his  old  schoolmate  and  friend,  which  is  giyen  in 
the  next  chapter,  and  which  describes  the  events 
of  the  first  voyage  of  the  navigator  to  the  New 
World,  opportunely  fills  up  the  gap  which  was  left 
in  his  history.  There,  in  his  own  words,  exists  an 
interesting  and  minute  account  of  the  perils  of  the 
navigation  and  of  the  strange  countries  which  he 
visited  in  his  absence,  with  the  manners  and  cus 
toms  of  their  inhabitants.  It  is  only  to  be  regret 
ted  that  the  modesty  of  the  writer  did  not  permit 
him  to  dwell  more  at  large  upon  his  own  personal 
adventures,  and  the  immediate  part  which  he 
took  in  the  prosecution  of  the  discoveries. 

There  is  no  way  of  determining  the  rank  or  po 
sition  which  Americus  occupied  in  his  first  expedi 
tion.  It  is  evident,  however,  from  his  own  letters, 
as  well  as  from  the  records  of  the  times,  that  he 
did  not  hold  the  command.  He  says  himself  that 
he  was  chosen  to  ''assist"  in  the  discoveries  by 
the  King  of  Spain,  and  that  expression  confirms 
the  view  which  is  taken  below,  that  he  accom 
panied  the  fleet  as  an  aid  to  the  commanders  in 
their  navigation,  and  as  a  private  agent  of  the 
king;  that  he  occupied  a  position  analogous  to 
that  of  the  members  of  scientific  corps,  who  are 
usually  despatched  at  the  present  day  in  exploring 
voyages.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  he  might 
have  held  a  recognized  rank,  and  that  the  move 
ments  of  the  ships  might  have  been  in  some  meas 
ure  under  his  control,  for  he  is  spoken  of  by  some 
historians  who  have  written  concerning  him,  as 
"one  of  the  principal  pilots  and  sea  captains."* 

It  would  not  be  proper  to  lay  the  letter  of 
Americus  to  Piero  Soderini  before  the  reader,  with- 

*  Dlssertazlone  Giustiflcativa,  Questions  III.  sec.  25.    Canovai, 
torn.  111.  p.  101.    Giuntini,  torn.  ii.  p.  832,  833. 
85 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

out  noticing,  as  briefly  as  possible,  consistently 
with  a  fair  statement  of  the  case,  the  question 
which  has  been  discussed  by  historical  critics, 
touching  the  accuracy  of  its  date  and  its  authen 
ticity.  It  seems  hardly  worth  while  to  enter  into 
any  argument  respecting  the  direction  of  the  epis 
tle,  although  this  also  has  been  the  subject  of 
much  dispute  among  authors.  As  far  as  can  now 
be  ascertained,  the  most  ancient  impression  of  the 
letter  is  found  in  a  volume  of  cosmography,  writ 
ten  by  Martin  Ilacomilo,  which  was  published  in 
Latin  at  Strasburg,  in  the  year  1509.  Neither  of 
the  biographers,  Bandini  or  Canovai,  appears  to 
have  been  cognizant  of  this  edition,  and  in  it  the 
letter  is  addressed  to  Rene,  Duke  of  Lorraine  and 
Bar,  and  King  of  Jerusalem  and  Sicily.  All  the 
letters  in  the  work  of  Bandini  are  taken  from  rec 
ords  in  the  celebrated  collection  of  the  Bibli- 
otheca  Riccardiana,  from  the  text  of  Ramusio,  and 
from  a  pamphlet  which  Canovai  calls  the  edition 
of  Valori.* 

*  Canovai,  torn.  1.  p.  11.  The  edition  of  Valori  was  a  pamphlet 
of  sixteen  maps,  with  the  four  voyages  of  Americus  attached 
to  it,  which  Canovai  found  in  the  possession  of  the  Marchese 
Gino  Capponi,  whom  he  describes  as  "  a  great  and  very  studious 
lover  of  good  books."  He  says,  moreover,  that  "this  edition 
exhibits  corrections  in  various  places ;  and  time,  and  if  I  am 
not  mistaken,  flre,  has  done  considerable  damage  to  the  margin 
of  many  pages."  He  calls  it  "the  edition  of  Valori,"  because 
Bacci  Valorii,  ^TTj/ma,  was  found  written  on  the  title-page. 
Ramusio,  in  the  first  volume  of  his  collection  of  voyages,  pre 
serves  the  two  voyages  of  Americus  in  the  service  of  Portugal 
and  the  second  letter  to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici. 

Rene"  II.,  Duke  of  Lorraine  and  Bar,  was  born  in  the  year 
1451,  and  succeeded  his  grandfather  Nicholas  on  the  throne  of 
the  duchy  in  1473.  This  Prince  was  much  celebrated  in  the  age 
in  which  he  lived.  He  was  more  than  once  expelled  from  his 
dominions  by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  with  whom  he  carried  on 
continual  wars,  which  ended  at  last  in  the  death  of  his  rival,  in 
a  fierce  battle  fought  under  the  walls  of  his  capital,  Nancy.  In 
86 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Bandini  considers  it  useless  to  speculate  upon 
this  subject  of  the  direction,  and  accounts  for  the 
fact  that  it  is  different  in  different  copies,  by  sup 
posing  that  after  the  original  had  been  sent  to 
Soderini,  Americus  forwarded  copies  to  various 
friends  and  persons  of  quality,  one  of  which  was 
afterwards  published  by  the  King  of  Sicily  and 
Jerusalem,  as  directed  to  himself.  Navarrete 
adopts  the  Latin  edition  above  mentioned,  and 
gives  the  same  address,  but  it  is  said  that  since 
the  publication  of  his  collection  of  voyages,  the 
original  Latin  manuscript  itself  has  been  discovered 
among  the  scrolls  of  the  Riccardi  palace,  which  is 
directed  to  Soderini.  As  far  as  any  judgment  can 
be  formed  from  the  internal  evidence  of  the  docu 
ment  itself,  the  address  was  that  which  is  given  in 
this  work,  for  it  speaks  of  the  old  student-friend 
ship  of  the  writer  with  his  correspondent,  in  a 
manner  which  he  would  not  have  been  likely  to 
have  made  use  of  toward  a  person  of  a  royal 
birth.* 

the  year  1486,  the  Neapolitan  nobility,  who  were  In  Insurrection 
against  their  king,  Ferdinand,  offered  him  the  throne  of  that 
kingdom.  He  made  an  attempt  to  take  possession  of  it,  aided  by 
French  troops,  but  was  obliged  to  return  without  success  to  his 
own  domains,  in  consequence  of  troubles  which  the  King  of 
France  caused  there.  Nevertheless,  he  assumed  the  title  of 
King  of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem,  and  quartered  their  arms  with 
his  own.  It  was  but  an  empty  title,  however,  for  he  never  suc 
ceeded  in  establishing  his  claims.  He  died  on  the  10th  of  De 
cember,  1508. 

This  Prince  was  noted  as  well  for  his  love  of  literature  as  for 
the  prowess  of  his  arms,  and  rendered  his  capital  and  court  a 
favourite  resort  for  learned  men  of  all  countries.  It  is  more 
than  probable  that  he  caused  the  publication  of  the  accounts  of 
Americus,  as  addressed  to  himself,  with  a  view  of  adding  to 
his  literary  celebrity.— Chronologic  Hi&torique  des  Rote  et 
Dues  de  Lorraine,  from  St.  Altai's  L'Art  de  verifier  Us 
dates  des  faits  Historiques,  torn.  xiii.  p.  410-412. 

*  Letter  to  Soderini,  chap.  vli. 
87 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Whatever  may  be  the  opinion  of  critics  as  to  the 
address,  the  authenticity  of  the  letter  itself  is  un 
doubted.  No  one  undertakes  to  question  that  it 
was  written  by  Ainericus  himself;  and,  until  the 
publication  of  the  History  of  Herrera,  in  1601,  it 
was  received  by  all  literary  and  scientific  men  as 
an  accurate  and  veracious  account.  That  writer 
asserted,  without  a  particle  of  proof,  and  on  his 
own  unsupported  authority,  that  Vespucius  had 
artfully  and  wilfully  falsified  in  his  narrative,  and 
that  he  did  so  with  the  view  of  stealing  from  Co 
lumbus  the  honour  of  being  the  discoverer  of  the 
continent  of  America,  changing,  for  this  purpose, 
the  date  of  his  first  voyage,  from  1499  to  1497. 
Spanish  authors  of  that  day,  and  ever  since,  have 
gladly  seized  upon  this  charge,  and  given  it  cur 
rency  in  their  writings;  while  foreign  historians, 
from  indifference  to  the  subject,  or  want  of  means 
of  correct  information,  circulated  the  slander.  In 
this  way  it  became  the  generally  received  opinion 
of  the  world,  and  most  people  consider  Americus 
Vespucius  as  little  better  than  an  impostor,  while 
the  few  who  acquit  him  of  intentional  fraud,  at 
tribute  the  mistake,  as  they  are  pleased  to  con 
sider  it,  to  an  error  of  the  press,  or  some  similar 
accident. 

This  latter  class  of  critics,  as  well  as  the  ma- 
ligners  of  the  navigator,  assume,  that  one  of  the 
principal  effects  of  this  change  of  date  was,  to 
confer  upon  the  new  continent  the  name  of  Amer 
ica.  That  this,  at  least,  was  not  the  case,  will  be 
satisfactorily  shown  to  the  reader  in  another  place. 
If  a  plausible,  though  hardly  a  fair,  argument 
had  been  wanting  to  substantiate  the  accuracy  of 
Americus,  surely  the  fact  that  his  name  was  at 
tached  to  the  New  World  so  soon  after  his  voy 
ages,  might  be  adduced,  and  brought  to  bear  with 
88 


AMERICTJS  VESPUCIUS. 

much  more  force  in  his  favour  than  it  could  ever 
be  used  against  him.  But  it  is  much  more  satis 
factory  and  convincing  to  examine  the  proof  which 
history  affords,  than  to  speculate  upon  probabili 
ties.  The  Spanish  archives  of  the  day  make  no 
mention  of  Americus  after  the  year  1496,  until 
1505,  an  interval  of  about  eight  years ;  while,  both 
before  that  interval  and  subsequently,  his  name 
appears  very  often  in  the  documents  which  have 
been  brought  to  light.  If  he  did  not  sail  in  1497, 
why  did  not  Herrera  inform  the  world  how  and 
in  what  way  he  was  occupied  from  that  time  till 
1499?  That  historian  and  Navarrete,  who  fol 
lows  in  his  footsteps,  admit  his  connexion  with 
Berardi,  the  agent  of  the  fleets  of  Columbus,  and 
the  latter  finds  evidence  of  his  continued  connex 
ion  with  the  business,  but  only  until  1496.  Now 
Columbus  sailed  in  1498,  and  it  is  probable  that 
Americus  would  have  aided  in  the  fitting  out  of 
his  third  voyage,  as  he  did  of  the  second,  had  he 
been  in  Spain  at  the  time.  Herrera  himself,  though 
accusing  Americus  of  unblushing  impudence  and 
fraud,  copies  the  principal  portion  of  his  narrative 
of  the  first  voyage  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  from  the 
letter  to  Soderini.  He  mingles  in  his  account 
many  of  the  occurrences  of  the  second  voyage  of 
Americus,  with  matters  relating  exclusively  to 
Ojeda;  and  then,  being  unable  to  deny  that  the 
Florentine  navigator  actually  made  two  voyages, 
in  the  service  of  Spain,  makes  Americus  accom 
pany  Ojeda  in  the  second  voyage  of  the  latter, 
which  took  place  in  1502.  But  in  1502  it  appears, 
from  indisputable  evidence,  the  authority  of  Go- 
mara  and  many  others,  besides  that  of  the  naviga 
tor  himself,  that  Americus  was  in  the  service  of 
Portugal. 

The  evidence  Ojeda  gave  in  the  lawsuit  which 
89 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

the  son  of  Columbus,  Don  Diego,  commenced  after 
the  death  of  his  father,  and  prosecuted  against 
the  crown  of  Spain,  is  much  relied  upon  to  prove 
inaccuracy  in  the  date  of  this  letter.  He  testifies, 
that  when  he  sailed  in  1499,  "he  took  with  him 
Juan  de  la  Cosa,  Americus  Vespucius,  and  other 
pilots."  Admitting  that  Americus  did  sail  with 
Ojeda  at  this  time,  it  by  no  means  follows  that 
he  did  not  make  a  previous  voyage  in  1497,  and 
it  is  unfair  to  infer  that  he  did  not.  The  silence 
of  the  cotemporary  historians  of  the  day,  with 
respect  to  this  voyage,  is  the  main  reliance  of  Dr. 
Robertson,  when  he  follows  the  lead  of  Herrera. 
Gomara,  Benzoni,  Peter  Martyr,  and  Oviedo  do 
not,  it  is  true,  mention  the  fact  of  this  discovery 
in  1497;  but  if  an  argument  drawn  from  this 
source  proves  any  thing,  it  undoubtedly  proves 
too  much.  Neither  Gomara  nor  Oviedo  allude  at 
all  to  the  voyages  of  Ojeda,  any  more  than  they 
do  to  the  voyages  of  Americus,  yet  it  is  univer 
sally  admitted  that  both  of  these  mariners,  either 
singly  or  in  company,  did  make  two  voyages  to 
the  New  World  at  about  this  time.  Martyr  also 
neglects  Ojeda  more  than  he  does  Americus,  and 
only  speaks  of  the  third  voyage  of  the  navigator, 
which  was  performed  in  the  service  of  the  King  of 
Portugal,  while  he  omits  the  companion  of  Colum 
bus  altogether.  Benzoni  did  not  pretend  to  write 
a  history  of  the  discovery,  but  merely  gives  an  ac 
count  of  what  he  himself  saw  and  did  when  he 
went  to  the  New  World  in  1541,  nearly  half  a 
century  after  the  disputed  event.*  A  solution  of 
this  difficulty  may  be  found  in  the  statement  of 
Gomara  himself,  who  says:  ''Learning  that  the 
territories  which  Christopher  Columbus  had  dis 
covered  were  very  extensive,  many  persons  pro- 
*  Robertson,  History  of  America,  vol.  i.  note  22. 
90 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

ceeded  to  continue  the  exploration  of  them.  Some 
went  at  their  own  expense,  others  at  that  of  the 
king;  all  thinking  to  enrich  themselves,  to  acquire 
honour,  and  to  gain  the  royal  approbation.  But 
as  most  of  these  persons  did  nothing  but  discover, 
memorials  of  all  of  them  have  not  come  to  my 
knowledge,  especially  of  those  who  sailed  towards 
the  north,  nor  even  of  all  those  who  went  in  the 
direction  of  Paria,  from  the  year  1495  to  the  year 
1500."* 

Another,  and  perhaps  the  strongest  argument 
adduced  by  the  followers  of  Herrera  to  support 
their  views,  is  taken  from  the  absence  of  any 
testimony  in  the  same  lawsuit  concerning  the  al 
leged  discoveries  of  Ainericus.  The  object  of  this 
proceeding,  on  the  part  of  Don  Diego  Columbus, 
was  to  obtain  from  the  crown  the  government  of 
certain  territories  on  the  mainland  of  America, 
and  a  share  of  the  revenue  arising  from  them,  ac 
cording  to  the  stipulations  of  the  government  with 
his  father ;  and  the  crown,  in  contesting  this  claim, 
are  supposed  to  have  brought  forward  all  possible 
proof,  that  Columbus  did  not  discover  the  coast 
of  Paria. 

In  this  trial  nearly  one  hundred  witnesses  were 
examined  on  oath,  yet  no  mention  is  made  of  the 
voyage  of  Americus  in  1497,  but,  on  the  con 
trary,  Ojeda  testifies  directly  that  Columbus  dis- 

*  Gomara,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  chap,  xxxvi.,  from  Barcia's 
Early  Histories  of  the  West  Indies,  vol.  ii. 

"  Entendiendo  quan  grandissimas  tierras  eran  las  que  Chris- 
toval  Colon  descubria,  f ueron  muchos  a  continuar  el  descubri- 
miento  de  todas ;  unos  £  sua  costa,  otros  a  la  del  Key,  y  todoa 
pensando  enriquecer,  ganar  fama,  y  medrar  con  los  Reyes. 
Pero  como  los  mas  de  ellos  no  hicieron  sino  descubrir,  y  gas- 
tarse,  no  quedd  memoria  de  todos,  que  yo  sepa :  especialmente 
de  los  que  navegaron  acia  el  norte,— ni  aun  de  todos  los  que 
f  ueron  por  la  otra  parte  de  Paria,  desde  el  afio  de  mil  quatro- 
cientos  y  noventa  y  cinco  hasta  el  de  mil  y  quinientos," 
91 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

covered  Paria.  On  being  asked  how  he  knew 
this,  he  replied  that  he  had  seen  the  map  which 
Columbus  sent  home  to  the  government,  of  the 
lands  he  had  discovered  in  1498,  and  immediately 
started  himself  on  a  voyage  of  exploration,  on 
which  he  used  the  map.  and  found  it  to  be  correct. 
It  is  urged  that  Ojeda  must  have  known  the  fact,  if 
Vespucius  had  made  a  previous  discovery,  because 
he  accompanied  him  in  1499 :  and  the  crown 
must  have  known  it  also,  and  would  have  insisted 
upon  it  in  this  suit,  if  it  had  ever  taken  place.* 

All  this  is  but  negative  evidence  at  the  best,  and 
should  weigh  but  lightly  against  the  positive 
statements  of  one  whose  integrity,  good  sense, 
and  character  are  unquestionable.  It  is  easy  to 
conceive  of  numerous  reasons  which  might  have 
prevented  the  government  from  bringing  forward 
evidence  of  this  voyage;  and  the  very  fact  that 
Ojeda  navigated  in  1499,  with  a  chart  which  Co 
lumbus  had  sent  home  in  1498,  while  Americus 
himself  was  on  board  of  his  fleet,  may  have  been  the 
reason  which  led  him  to  look  upon  Columbus  as 
its  first  discoverer,  and  to  forget  the  date  of  the 
expedition  of  Americus  in  1497,  which,  according 
to  the  statement  of  Gomara,  was  one  out  of  many 
that  were  undertaken  about  that  time.  It  must 
not  be  forgotten,  that  this  evidence  was  given  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  year  1512,  and  the  com 
mencement  of  1513,  after  the  death  of  Americus 
had  taken  place,  and  at  a  distance  of  nearly 
fifteen  years  from  the  date  of  the  events  concern 
ing  which  Ojeda  testifies,  t 

After  all  that  can  be  said,  it  is  unimportant  to 
come  to  any  decision  on  this  point.  Even  if  Amer 
icus  did  discover  the  mainland  before  Columbus  by 
a  few  months,  the  fact  takes  nothing  from  the 

*  Navarr&e,  Collection,  Ac.,  torn.  ill.  p.  539.    t  Ibid.,  p.  538. 
92 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

name  and  fame  of  that  great  man.  He  at  any 
rate  arrived  at  the  continent  without  assistance 
from  any  source  but  his  own  strength  of  mind, 
and  to  him.  whatever  may  have  been  the  good 
fortune  of  any  of  his  cotemporaries,  belongs  the 
glory  of  the  grand  discovery  of  a  New  World. 
The  first  glimpse  that  he  obtained  of  the  luxu 
riant  islands  of  the  Western  Ocean  rendered  him 
immortal,  and  all  subsequent  discoveries  followed 
his  own  almost  as  a  matter  of  course. 

The  character  and  renown  of  Columbus  belong 
to  the  world,  and  it  is  impossible  to  sympathize 
with  any  of  those  historians  who  strive  to  depre 
ciate  either,  for  the  sake  of  exalting  a  favourite  or 
fellow-countryman  of  their  own.  Amexicus  needs 
no  such  advocacy,  and  the  subject  has  been  con 
sidered  in  the  foregoing  pages  solely  to  relieve  his 
character  from  the  gross  aspersions  which  have 
been  cast  upon  it,  by  those  who  foolishly  con 
sider  this  secondary  question  as  one  affecting  ma 
terially  the  reputation  of  Columbus.  "In  fact," 
as  is  well  observed  by  the  distinguished  author  of 
the  life  of  the  great  Admiral,  "the  European  who 
first  reached  the  mainland  of  the  New  World  was 
most  probably  Sebastian  Cabot,  a  native  of  Ven 
ice,  sailing  in  the  employ  of  England.  In  1497  he 
coasted  the  shores  from  Labrador  to  Florida,  yet 
neither  the  English  nor  the  Venetians  have  set  up 
any  pretensions  on  his  account."* 

It  is  much  more  charitable  to  attribute  an  error 
in  the  date  of  the  first  voyage,  if  the  reader  can 
suppose  any  such  to  exist,  after  a  candid  con 
sideration  of  the  arguments  on  both  sides  of  the 
question,  to  the  negligence  of  the  early  publishers, 
rather  than  to  a  wilful  deception  on  the  part  of 
the  writer.    It  would  have  been  strange  indeed, 
*  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  886. 
93 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

had  he  attempted  any  misrepresentation  of  the 
kind.  The  letters  are  universally  acknowledged  to 
have  been  written  with  the  pen  of  Americus  him 
self;  they  purport  to  be  the  account  of  an  eye 
witness  of  the  events  which  he  describes;  they 
were  addressed  to  persons  of  great  celebrity  in  the 
world,  whom  it  certainly  would  have  been  a  hard, 
if  not  a  perilous  task,  to  deceive;  they  give  full 
accounts  of  events  which,  from  their  extraordinary 
nature,  must  have  flown  upon  the  wings  of  the 
wind  to  the  remotest  quarters  of  civilized  Europe ; 
if  falsified  in  any  particular,  there  were  hundreds 
who  stood  ready  to  contradict  and  expose  to 
public  indignation  their  author;  yet  that  author 
occupies,  for  years  after  the  contested  accounts  are 
published  and  translated  into  various  tongues,  a 
high  and  responsible  post  at  the  court  in  whose 
service  the  voyage  in  question  was  made.  No 
voice  is  raised  to  condemn  the  shameless  im 
postor;  for  such  Americus  must  have  been,  if  his 
calumniators  spoke  the  truth ;  but,  so  far  from  it, 
the  very  man  whose  honours  and  merits  he  was 
endeavouring  to  appropriate  remains  his  warm 
friend,  and  commends  him  to  his  own  son,  in  a 
letter  which  has  been  fortunately  preserved  to  us, 
as  one  well  entitled  to  his  esteem  and  affection. 
Can  any  one  suppose  that  Columbus  would 
have  written  a  letter  like  the  one  which  follows, 
concerning  a  man  who  was  wickedly  engaged  in 
injuring  the  reputation  so  dear  to  him? 

To  my  very  dear  Son,  Don  Diego  Columbus. 
At  the  Court. 

My  Dear  Son : 

Diego  Mendez  departed  from  this  place  on  Mon 
day,  the  third  of  this  month.    After  his  departure, 
I    held    converse   with    Americus   Vespucius.   the 
94 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

bearer  of  this  letter,  who  goes  to  court  on  some 
business  connected  with  navigation.  He  has  al 
ways  been  desirous  of  serving  me,  and  is  an  hon 
ourable  man,  though  fortune  has  been  unpropi- 
tious  to  him,  as  to  many  others,  and  his  labours 
have  not  been  as  profitable  as  he  deserves.  He 
goes  on  my  account,  and  with  a  great  desire  to 
do  something  which  may  redound  to  my  advan 
tage,  if  it  is  in  his  power. 

I  know  not,  here,  what  instructions  to  give  him 
that  will  benefit  me,  because  I  am  ignorant  what 
will  be  required  there.  He  goes  determined  to  do 
for  me  all  that  is  possible.  See  what  can  be  done 
to  advantage  there,  and  labour  for  it,  that  he 
may  know  and  speak  of  everything,  and  devote 
himself  to  the  work ;  and  let  every  thing  be  done 
with  secresy,  that  no  suspicions  may  arise.  I  have 
said  to  him  all  that  I  can  say  touching  the  busi 
ness,  and  have  informed  him  of  all  the  payments 
which  have  been  made  to  me,  and  what  is  due. 

This  letter  is  intended  also  for  the  Adelantado. 
that  he  may  avail  himself  of  any  advantage  and 
advice  on  the  subject.  His  highness  believes  that 
his  ships  were  in  the  best  and  richest  portion  of 
the  Indies,  and  if  he  desires  to  know  any  thing 
more  on  the  subject,  I  will  satisfy  him  by  word 
of  mouth,  for  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  tell  by 
letter.  May  our  Lord  have  you  in  His  holy  keep 
ing.  Done  at  Seville,  February  5th,  1505. 

Thy  father,  who  loves  thee  better  than  himself, 
CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.* 

*  Navarrete,  torn.  i.  p.  351.    Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  883. 
The  signature  of  Columbus  is  curious.    It  is  written  thus,  ap 
pended  to  this  letter  as  well  as  other  documents. 

S. 

S.  A.  S 

X  M  Y 

XPO  FEREN8 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

In  rescuing  this  letter  from  the  dust  of  the 
Spanish  archives,  Navarre"te  has  done  good  ser 
vice  in  the  cause  of  truth,  and  furnished  an  impor 
tant  link  in  the  chain  of  evidence  which  will  es 
tablish,  it  is  trusted  satisfactorily,  in  the  mind  of 
the  reader,  the  credibility  of  Americus.  But  if  any 
thing  be  still  wanting  to  confirm  him  in  such  an 
opinion,  the  fact  that  Fernando  Columbus,  the 
biographer  of  his  father,  who  throughout  his  work 
gives  constant  proof  of  his  sensitiveness  with  re 
gard  to  anything  touching  the  honour  and  re 
nown  of  the  Admiral,  makes  not  the  slightest 
mention  of  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  Americus 
to  appropriate  to  himself  any  portion  of  his  fa 
ther's  fame.  Is  it  probable,  that  he  would  have 
passed  it.  over  in  silence,  had  such  an  attempt 
been  made? 

As  far  as  was  possible,  a  candid  statement  of 
the  point  in  dispute,  with  the  reasoning  on  both 
sides  of  the  question,  has  been  given,  and  with  but 
one  additional  suggestion,  the  subject  will  be 
dropped.  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  for  a  num 
ber  of  years  previous  to  his  departure  upon  his 
third  voyage,  Columbus  was  annoyed  and  perse 
cuted  by  the  attacks  of  his  enemies  at  court,  and 

In  the  early  part  of  his  life  Columbus  subscribed  himself,  Co 
lumbus  de  Terra  Rubra,  according  to  the  history  of  Fernando 
his  son,  but  when  he  had  acquired  celebrity,  he  adopted  the 
form  above.  A  great  many  opinions  have  been  formed  as  to  the 
meaning  of  these  characters,  which  are  an  incongruous  mixture 
of  Greek  and  Latin,  savouring  very  strongly  of  the  pedantry  of 
his  times.  Xristus,  Sancta  Maria,  Josephus,  is  one  reading ; 
Salva  me  Xristus,  Maria,  Josephus,  another.  Neither  appears 
very  satisfactory,  and  the  reader  has  the  same  right  to  exercise 
his  ability  in  deciphering  It,  and  may  arrive  as  nearly  at  the 
truth  as  any  conjectures  of  the  critics  will  lead  him.  It  is  un 
doubtedly  a  pious  exclamation,  which  it  was  very  customary 
In  those  days  to  prefix  to  writings  as  well  as  signatures.— Fer 
nando  Columbus,  chap.  xi. 

96 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

by  the  doubts  and  vacillation  of  King  Ferdinand ; 
and  as  Herrera  emphatically  declares,  he  made 
frequent  remonstrance  against  the  various  expe 
ditions  which  were  undertaken,  under  the  general 
license  which  had  been  given  by  the  crown  for  pri 
vate  adventurers,  to  prosecute  discoveries  in  the 
Indies,  and  only  succeeded,  after  long  solicitation, 
in  obtaining  a  small  squadron  for  his  enterprise 
in  1498.  There  is  nothing  to  contradict  the  sup 
position  that  the  expedition  of  Americus  was  one 
of  those  which  the  Admiral  supposed  to  interfere 
with  his  own  rights :  a  private  undertaking  alto 
gether,  but  at  the  same  time  one  in  which  Ves- 
pucius  went,  at  the  command  of  the  king,  to 
"assist  in  the  discoveries."  With  this  view  of  the 
case,  it  is  easy  to  account  for  the  non-appearance 
of  any  public  documents  in  the  archives  relating- 
to  the  voyage. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Piero  Soderini,  to  whom  the  following  letter  was 
addressed  by  Americus,  was  born  in  Florence,  in 
the  year  1450.  He  was  the  son  of  Tomaso  Sode 
rini,  of  whom  mention  has  been  made  in  a  pre 
vious  chapter,  and  was  educated  by  the  good 
Friar  Georgio  Antonio,  in  company  with  the  navi 
gator.  As  he  grew  up,  the  friendship  which  sub 
sisted  between  the  two  young  men  was  strength 
ened  by  a  great  similarity  of  character  in  many 
respects.  Both  were  devotedly  attached  to  their 
country,  and  both  lived  to  do  it  honour. 

When,  a  few  years  after  the  death  of  Lorenzo  the 
Magnificent,  the  Florentines  returned  to  their  an 
cient  democratic  form  of  government,  and  expelled 
Piero,  his  son,  with  all  the  members  of  that  pow 
erful  family,  from  the  city,  they  sought  among 
their  distinguished  citizens  for  one  whom  they 
might  trust  to  restore  and  preserve  their  rights 
and  liberties.  The  state  was  in  great  confusion 
and  anarchy,  and  it  behooved  them  to  select  for 
their  chief  magistrate  a  man  of  undoubted  pa 
triotism,  who  would  administer  the  laws  with  pru 
dence  and  firmness.  After  much  deliberation,  their 
choice  fell  upon  Piero  Soderini.  His  known  prob 
ity,  his  wealth,  his  love  for  the  arts  and  sciences, 
and  the  prominent  part  he  took  in  the  measures 
which  resulted  in  the  revolution,  all  influenced 
his  election,  and,  on  the  16th  of  August,  1502,  he 
was  unanimously  called  to  preside  over  the  des 
tinies  of  the  republic,  with  the  title  of  Perpetual 
Gonfalonie're. 

The  character  of  Soderini  was  too  mild  and 
98 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

amiable  to  allow  him  to  abuse  the  privileges  of 
his  high  station.  On  the  contrary,  he  hardly  in 
sisted  sufficiently  upon  his  rights,  to  ensure  the 
stability  of  his  power.  He  loved  to  lend  his  pat 
ronage  to  men  of  letters  and  artiste,  and  his  pal 
ace  was  thronged  with  all  the  sculptors  and  paint 
ers  of  the  day  who  had  attained  any  celebrity  in 
their  professions.  Poets  and  philosophers  flocked 
to  his  court  as  they  did  to  that  of  the  great 
Lorenzo,  but,  unlike  him,  Soderini  left  more  me 
morials  of  his  devotion  to  literature  and  art,  than 
of  his  statesmanship.  During  his  administration, 
however,  the  republic  waged  war  with  Pisa  with 
great  activity,  and  finally,  in  the  year  1509,  suc 
ceeded  in  subduing  that  city. 

The  assistance  of  the  French  had  been  of  great 
assistance  to  Soderini,  in  the  expulsion  of  the 
Medici  and  his  own  elevation,  and  he  always  re 
mained  warmly  attached  to  that  nation.  He  gave 
his  consent  to  the  measure  which  Louis  XII.  pro 
jected,  of  assembling  a  council  at  Pisa  for  the 
purpose  of  deposing  Pope  Julius  II.,  and  that 
pontiff  never  forgave  him  for  the  affront.  When 
the  French  evacuated  Italy  in  1512,  he  stimulated 
the  Viceroy  of  Naples  in  Tuscany  to  attempt  the 
re-establishment  of  the  Medici  family.  The  move 
ment  was  successful.  The  city  was  taken  by  sur 
prise  on  the  30th  of  August.  1512,  and  was  given 
up  to  pillage  and  massacre.  The  partisans  of  the 
Medici  broke  into  the  public  palace  tumultuously, 
and  surprised  Soderini  in  his  apartments.  They 
confined  him  in  chains,  and  the  next  day  the 
Signory  passed  an  act  deposing  him  from  his 
office,  after  he  had  served  the  state  for  upwards 
of  ten  years,  without  giving  occasion  for  the 
slightest  murmur  of  dissatisfaction  among  the 
peaceable  citizens. 

99 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

The  day  following  his  deposition,  he  was  con 
ducted  to  the  frontiers  of  the  republic,  escorted 
by  a  strong  guard,  and  banished  for  ever.  He 
went  immediately  to  Ragusa,  where  he  remained 
till  the  election  of  Leo  X.  to  the  papal  chair. 
Though  a  Medici  himself,  this  pontiff  was  too 
generous  to  cherish  an  old  enmity,  and  invited 
Soderini  to  Rome,  remembering  rather  the  services 
of  the  father  of  Piero  towards  his  family,  than 
the  more  recent  doings  of  the  son.  At  the  pontifi 
cal  court  he  was  received  with  much  distinction, 
although  he  never  wavered  in  his  attachment  to 
the  rights  of  his  countrymen  and  the  cause  of 
liberty.  He  ended  his  days  at  Rome,  and  died 
regretted  and  respected  by  all  the  intelligent  and 
patriotic  men  of  the  day.* 

Letter  of  Americus  to  Piero  Soderini,  Perpetual 
Gonfaloniere  of  the  Republic  of  Florence,  giv 
ing  an  account  of  his  First  Voyage.^ 

Most  Excellent  Sir: 

(After  my  humble  reverence  and  due  commenda 
tion)— It  may  be  that  your  Excellency,  with  your 
well-known  wisdom,  will  be  astonished  at  my  te 
merity,  in  that  I  have  been  so  absurdly  moved  to 
address  you  my  present  very  prolix  letter,  know 
ing  that  your  Excellency  is  continually  occupied  in 
the  arduous  duties  and  pressing  business  of  State. 
I  may  be  termed  not  only  presumptuous,  but 
idle,  in  writing  things  neither  convenient  nor  pleas 
ing  to  your  state,  and  which  were  formerly  written 

*  Biog.  Unlverselle,  torn.  xlii.  p.  567,  568. 

+  The  direction  of  the  letter  in  the  edition  of  Gruniger,  which 
Is  followed  by  Navarre'te,  reads  as  follows :    To  the  Most  Illus 
trious,  the  King  of  Jerusalem  and  Sicily,  the  Duke  of  Lorraine 
and  Bar.—  Navarrete,  torn.  iii.  p.  191. 
100 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

in  barbarous  style,  destitute  of  the  polish  of  litera 
ture,  and  directed  to  Don  Ferdinand,  king  of 
Castile ;  but  the  confidence  I  have  in  your  virtues, 
as  well  as  in  the  truth  of  what  I  write,  concerning 
things  described  neither  by  ancient  nor  modern 
authors,  has  emboldened  me  in  my  undertak 
ing. 

The  principal  reason  why  1  am  induced  to  write 
is  the  request  of  the  bearer,  Benvenuto  Benvenuti. 
the  devoted  servant  of  your  Excellency,  and  my 
very  particular  friend.  He  happened  to  be  here  in 
this  city  of  Lisbon,  and  requested  that  I  would 
impart  to  your  Excellency  a  description  of  the 
things  seen  by  me  in  various  climes,  in  the  course 
of  four  voyages  which  I  have  made  for  the  dis 
covery  of  new  lands,  two  by  the  authority  and 
command  of  Don  Ferdinand  VI.,  the  King  of  Cas 
tile,  in  the  great  Western  Ocean,  and  the  other 
two  by  order  of  Don  Emanuel,  King  of  Portu 
gal,  towards  the  south.  So  I  resolved  to  write 
to  your  Excellency,  and  set  about  the  perform 
ance  of  my  task,  because  I  am  certain  that  your 
Excellency  counts  me  among  the  number  of  your 
most  devoted  servants;  remembering  that  in  the 
time  of  our  youth  we  were  friends,  going  daily 
to  study  the  rudiments  of  grammar,  under  the 
excellent  instruction  of  the  venerable  and  religious 
Brother  of  St.  Mark.  Friar  Georgio  Antonio  Ves 
pucci,  my  uncle,  whose  counsels,  would  to  God 
I  had  followed  I  for  then,  as  Petrarch  says,  I 
should  have  been  a  different  man  from  what  1 
am. 

However  that  may  be.  I  do  not  complain,  inas 
much  as  I  have  always  delighted  in  those  things 
which  are  virtuous,  and  in  literary  pursuits ;  and 
now  that  these  my  trifling  affairs  may  not  be  dis 
agreeable  to  your  virtuous  mind,  I  will  say  to 
101 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

you,  as  Pliny  said  to  Maecenas,  "You  were  once 
accustomed  to  be  pleased  with  my  prattling."* 
However  constantly  employed  you  may  be  in 
public  affairs,  you  can  snatch  some  hours  of  re 
laxation,  for  the  purpose  of  reading  those  things 
which,  however  trifling,  will  amuse  by  their  novelty ; 
for  with  the  cares  and  engrossment  of  business, 
these  letters  of  mine  will  mingle,  as  it  is  custom 
ary  to  mingle  fennel  with  savoury  viands,  to 
dispose  them  for  better  digestion.  And  if  per 
chance  I  am  more  prolix  than  I  ought  to  be,  I  ask 
your  Excellency's  pardon. 

Your  Excellency  will  please  to  observe,  that  I 
came  into  the  kingdom  of  Spain  for  the  purpose 
of  engaging  in  mercantile  affairs,  and  that  I  con 
tinued  to  be  thus  employed  about  four  years, 
during  which  time  I  saw  and  experienced  the  fickle 
movements  of  fortune,  and  how  she  ordered  the 
changes  of  these  transitory  and  perishing  worldly 
goods;  at  one  time  sustaining  a  man  at  the  top 
of  the  wheel,  and  at  another  returning  him  to 
the  lowest  part  thereof,  and  depriving  him  of  her 
favours,  which  may  truly  be  said  to  be  lent.t 
Thus  having  experienced  the  continual  labour  of 
one  who  would  acquire  her  favours,  subjecting 
myself  to  vastly  many  inconveniences  and  dangers, 
I  concluded  to  abandon  mercantile  affairs,  and 
direct  my  attention  to  something  more  laudable 
and  stable.  For  this  purpose  I  prepared  myself 
to  visit  various  parts  of  the  world,  and  see  the 

*  He  meant  to  have  said,  "  as  Catullus  said  to  Cornelius  Ne- 
pos."  This  mistake  goes  but  little  way  to  prove  a  want  of  clas 
sical  information,  which  Navarre'te  seems  inclined  to  impute  to 
:.He  navigator. 

t  These  four  years  may  be  considered  to  be  the  four  which 
preceded  his  departure  on  his  first  voyage  in  1497,  embracing 
the  time  of  his  connexion  with  Berardi,  and  his  management  of 
the  business  after  his  partner's  death. 
102 


AMERICU8  VESPUCIUS. 

wonderful  things  which  might  be  found  therein. 
Time  and  place  were  very  opportunely  offered 
me. 

King  Ferdinand  of  Castile  had  ordered  four 
ships  to  go  in  search  of  new  lands,  and  I  was 
selected  by  his  highness  to  go  in  that  fleet,  in 
order  to  assist  in  the  discoveries.  We  sailed  from 
the  port  of  Cadiz  on  the  tenth  day  of  May, 
A.  D.  1497,  and  steering  our  course  through  the 
great  Western  Ocean,  spent  eighteen  months  in 
our  expedition,  discovering  much  land,  and  a 
great  number  of  islands,  the  largest  part  of  which 
were  inhabited.*  As  these  are  not  spoken  of  by 
ancient  writers,  I  presume  they  were  ignorant  of 
them.  If  I  am  not  mistaken,  I  well  remember  to 
have  read  in  one  of  their  books  which  1  pos 
sessed,  that  this  ocean  was  considered  un 
peopled;  and  our  poet  Dante  also  held  this 
opinion,  judging  by  the  twenty-sixth  canto  of 
L'Inferno,  where  he  sings  the  fate  of  Ulysses. f 
In  this  voyage  I  saw  many  astonishing  things, 
as  your  Excellency  will  perceive  by  the  following 
relation : 

*  Giuntini  writes  17  as  required  by  the  departure  on  10th  May, 
1497,  and  return  on  15th  October,  1498.  But  Giuntini  also  has 
the  departure  on  the  30th  of  May,  and  arrival  on  25th  of  Octo. 
ber.  It  is  easy  to  infer  that  the  first  translator  of  this  voyage 
took  from  his  manuscript  the  figure  2  for  the  figure  1.— Canovai, 
Viaggi,  Ac.,  torn.  i.  p.  49,  note.  Navarre"te  cavils  unnecessarily 
at  this  very  natural  inaccuracy.  The  voyage  actually  took 
seventeen  months  and  five  days,  but  in  his  introductory  remarks, 
Vespucius  speaks  approximately.—  Navarrete,  torn.  ill. 

t  I0h !  brothers,'  I  began, '  who  to  the  west 
Through  perils  without  number  now  have  reached 
To  this  the  short  remaining  watch,  that  yet 
Our  senses  have  to  wake,  refuse  not  proof 
Of  the  unpeopled  world,  following  the  track 
Of  Phosbus.' 

—Carey's  Dante,  Canto  xxvi.  p.  181, 182. 

103 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


VOYAGE  THE  FIRST.* 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1497,  on  the  tenth  day 
of  May,  as  before  stated,  we  left  the  port  of  Cadiz 
with  four  ships  in  company,  f  The  first  land  we 
made  was  that  of  the  Fortunate  Islands,  which 
are  now  called  the  Grand  Canaries,  situated  in 
the  Western  Ocean,  as  far  as  the  habitable  world 
was  supposed  to  extend,  being  located  in  the  third 
climate,  where  the  North  Pole  is  elevated  twenty- 
seven  and  a  half  degrees  above  the  horizon,  and 
distant  from  the  city  of  Lisbon  (where  this  letter 
13  written)  two  hundred  and  eighty  leagues.  Hav 
ing  arrived  here,  with  south  and  southerly  winds, 
we  tarried  eight  days,  taking  in  wood  and  water 
and  other  necessaries,  when,  having  offered  up  our 
prayers,  we  weighed  anchor  and  set  sail,  steering  a 
course  west  by  south. 

We  sailed  so  rapidly,  that  at  the  end  of  twenty- 
seven  days  we  came  in  sight  of  land,  which  we 
judged  to  be  a  continent,  being  about  a  thousand 
leagues  west  of  the  Grand  Canaries,  and  within 
the  Torrid  Zone,  as  we  found  the  North  Pole  at 
an  elevation  of  six  degrees  above  the  horizon,  and 
our  instruments  showed  it  to  be  seventy-four 

*  Giuntini,  Canovai  and  Navarre"te,  all  introduce  this  with  the 
following  heading,  which  is  omitted  in  the  text :  "  Description  of 
various  lands  and  islands  not  spoken  of  by  ancient  authors 
found  in  the  year  1497,  and  thereafter  in  four  voyages,  that  is, 
two  in  the  Western  Ocean  under  the  authority  of  Ferdinand, 
King  of  Castile,  and  the  other  two  in  the  South  Sea,  in  the  name 
of  Einanuel,  King  of  Portugal.  Americus  Vespucius,  one  of  the 
principal  pilots  and  sea  captains,  sending  the  following  account 
of  them  to  the  aforesaid  Ferdinand,  King  of  Castile." 

t  The  edition  of  Gruniger  gives  the  date  of  the  departure  as 
30th  of  May.  On  comparison  with  other  editions,  this  appears 
to  be  an  error. 

104 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

degrees  farther  west  than  the  Canary  Islands.* 
Here  we  anchored  our  ships  at  a  league  and  a 
half  from  the  shore;  and,  having  cast  off  our 
boats,  and  filled  them  with  men  and  arms,  pro 
ceeded  at  once  to  land. 

Before  we  landed  we  were  much  cheered  by  the 
sight  of  many  people  rambling  along  the  shore. 
We  found  that  they  were  all  in  a  state  of  nudity, 
and  they  appeared  to  be  afraid  of  us,  as  I  sup 
posed  from  seeing  us  clothed,  and  of  a  different 
stature  from  themselves.  They  retreated  to  a 
mountain,  and,  notwithstanding  all  the  signs  of 
peace  and  friendship  we  could  make,  we  could  not 
bring  them  to  a  parley  with  us ;  so,  as  the  night 
was  coming  on  and  the  ships  were  anchored  in 
an  insecure  place,  by  reason  of  the  coast  being 
exposed,  we  agreed  to  leave  there  the  next  day, 
and  go  in  search  of  some  port  or  bay  where  we 
could  place  our  ships  in  safety. 

We  sailed  along  the  coast  with  a  northwest 
wind,  always  keeping  within  sight  of  land,  and 
continually  seeing  people  on  shore;  and  having 
sailed  two  days,  we  found  a  very  safe  place  for  the 
ships,  and  anchored  at  half  a  league  from  the 
land,  and  the  same  day  we  landed  in  the  boats — 
forty  men  leaping  on  shore  in  good  order.  The 
people  of  the  country,  however,  appeared  very  shy 
of  us,  and  for  some  time  we  could  not  sufficiently 
assure  them  to  induce  them  to  come  and  speak 
with  us;  but  at  length  we  laboured  so  hard,  in 
giving  them  some  of  our  things,  such  as  looking- 

*  The  degrees  of  which  he  speaks  were,  as  mariners  then  cal 
culated,  flfteen  leagues  each.— Navarrlte,  torn.  iii.  199,  note. 
The  true  longitude  or  distance  from  the  Canaries  to  the  land 
which  he  reached  is  nfty-four  or  fifty-five  degrees.  The  instru 
ments  of  the  sailors  of  that  day  were  so  very  inaccurate,  and  it 
was  almost  impossible  to  measure  correctly  with  them.— Co- 
novai,  torn.  i.  53. 

105 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

glasses,  bells,  beads,  and  other  trifles,  that  some 
of  them  acquired  confidence  enough  to  come  and 
treat  with  us  for  our  mutual  peace  and  friendship. 
Night  coming  on,  we  took  leave  of  them  and  re 
turned  to  our  ships. 

The  next  day,  as  the  dawn  appeared,  we  saw  on 
the  shore  a  great  number  of  men,  with  their  wives 
and  children;  we  landed,  and  found  that  they  had 
all  come  loaded  with  provisions  and  materials, 
which  will  be  described  in  the  proper  place.  Before 
we  reached  the  land,  many  of  them  swam  to  meet 
us,  the  length  of  a  bow  shot  into  the  sea  (as  they 
are  most  excellent  swimmers) ,  and  they  treated  us 
with  as  much  confidence  as  if  we  had  had  inter 
course  with  them  for  a  long  time,  which  gratified 
us  much. 

All  that  we  know  of  their  life  and  manners  is, 
that  they  go  entirely  naked,  not  having  the  slight 
est  covering  whatever;  they  are  of  middling 
stature,  and  very  well  proportioned ;  their  flesh  is 
of  a  reddish  colour,  like  the  skin  of  a  lion,  but  I 
think  that  if  they  had  been  accustomed  to  wear 
clothing,  they  would  have  been  as  white  as  we  are. 
They  have  no  hair  on  the  body,  with  the  ex 
ception  of  very  long  hair  upon  the  head — and  the 
women  especially  derive  much  beauty  from  this  : 
their  countenances  are  not  very  handsome,  as 
they  have  large  faces,  which  might  be  compared 
with  those  of  the  Tartars  :  they  do  not  allow  any 
hair  to  grow  on  the  eyelids  or  eyebrows,  or  any 
other  part  of  the  body,  excepting  the  head,  as 
they  consider  it  a  great  deformity.  Both  men  and 
women  are  very  agile  and  easy  in  their  persons, 
and  swift  in  walking  or  running;  so  that  the 
women  think  nothing  of  running  a  league  or  two, 
as  we  many  times  beheld,  having,  in  this  par 
ticular,  greatly  the  advantage  of  us  Christians. 
106 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

They  ewim  incredibly  well—the  women  better 
than  the  men— as  we  have  seen  them  many  times 
swimming  without  any  support,  fully  two  leagues 
at  sea.  Their  arms  are  bows  and  arrows  beauti 
fully  wrought,  but  unfurnished  with  iron  or  any 
other  hard  metal,  in  place  of  which  they  make 
use  of  the  teeth  of  animals  or  fish,  or  sometimes 
substitute  a  slip  of  hard  wood,  made  harder  at 
the  point  by  fire.  They  are  sure  marksmen,  who 
hit  wherever  they  wish,  and  in  some  parts  the 
women  also  use  the  bow  with  dexterity.  They 
have  other  arms,  such  as  lances  and  staves,  with 
heads  finely  wrought.  When  they  make  war  they 
take  their  wives  with  them,  not  that  they  may  fight, 
but  because  they  carry  their  provision  behind 
them ;  a  woman  frequently  carrying  a  burden  on 
her  back  for  thirty  or  forty  leagues,  which  the 
strongest  man  among  them  could  not  do,  as  we 
have  many  times  witnessed. 

These  people  have  no  captains,  neither  do  they 
march  in  order,  but  each  one  is  his  own  master ; 
the  cause  of  their  wars  is  not  a  love  of  conquest  or 
enlarging  their  boundaries,  neither  are  they  in 
cited  to  engage  in  them  by  inordinate  covetous- 
ness,  but  from  ancient  enmity  which  has  existed 
between  them  in  times  past;  and  having  been 
asked  why  they  made  war,  they  could  give  us  no 
other  reason,  than  that  they  did  it  to  avenge  the 
death  of  their  ancestors.  Neither  have  these  peo 
ple  kings  nor  lords,  nor  do  they  obey  any  one,  but 
live  in  their  own  entire  liberty,  and  the  manner 
in  which  they  are  incited  to  go  to  war,  is  this : 
when  their  enemies  have  killed  or  taken  pris 
oners  any  of  their  people,  the  oldest  relative  rises 
and  goes  about  proclaiming  his  wrongs  aloud, 
and  calling  upon  them  to  go  with  him  and  avenge 
the  death  of  his  relation.  Thereupon  they  are 
107 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

moved  with  sympathy,  and  make  ready  for  the 
fight. 

They  have  no  tribunals  of  justice,  neither  do 
they  punish  malefactors;  and  what  is  still  more 
astonishing,  neither  father  nor  mother  chastises 
the  children  when  they  do  wrong ;  yet,  astounding 
as  it  may  seem,  there  is  no  strife  between  them, 
or,  to  say  the  least,  we  never  saw  any.  They 
appear  simple  in  speech,  but  in  reality  are  very 
shrewd  and  cunning  in  any  matter  which  inter 
ests  them.  They  speak  but  little,  and  that  little 
in  a  low  tone  of  voice,  using  the  same  accentua 
tion  that  we  use,  and  forming  the  words  with  the 
palate,  teeth,  and  lips,  but  they  have  a  different 
mode  of  diction.  There  is  a  great  diversity  of 
languages  among  them,  inasmuch  that  within 
every  hundred  leagues  we  found  people  who  could 
not  understand  each  other.  Their  mode  of  life  is 
most  barbarous;  they  do  not  eat  at  regular  in 
tervals  and  as  much  as  they  wish  at  stated  times, 
but  it  is  a  matter  of  indifference  to  them,  whether 
appetite  comes  at  midnight  or  mid-day,  and  they 
eat  upon  the  ground  at  all  hours,  without  napkin 
or  table-cloth,  having  their  food  in  earthen  basins, 
which  they  manufacture,  or  in  hah*  gourd  shells. 

They  sleep  in  nets  of  cotton,  very  large,  and 
suspended  in  the  air,  and  although  this  may  seem 
rather  a  bad  way  of  sleeping,  I  can  vouch  for  the 
fact,  that  it  is  extremely  pleasant,  and  one  sleeps 
better  thus,  than  on  a  mattress.  They  are  neat 
and  clean  in  their  persons,  which  is  a  natural 

consequence  of  their  perpetual  bathing. 

******* 

[It  is  deemed  inexpedient  to  translate  certain 
passages  which  occur  at  this  stage  of  the  letter, 
referring  to  personal  habits  of  the  natives,  which 
are  unfit  for  publication  at  the  present  day.] 
108 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

We  are  not  aware  that  these  people  have  any 
laws.  Neither  are  they  like  Moors  or  Jews,  but 
are  worse  than  Gentiles  and  Pagans,  because  we 
have  never  seen  them  offer  any  sacrifice,  and  they 
have  no  houses  of  prayer.  From  their  voluptuous 
manner  of  life,  I  consider  them  Epicureans.  Their 
dwellings  are  in  communities,  and  their  houses  are 
in  the  form  of  huts,  but  strongly  built,  with  very 
large  trees,  and  covered  with  palm  leaves,  secure 
from  wind  and  storms;  and  in  some  places  they 
are  of  such  great  length  and  breadth  that  in  a 
single  house  we  found  six  hundred  people,  and  we 
found  that  the  population  of  thirteen  houses  only 
amounted  to  four  thousand.*  They  change  their 
location  every  seven  or  eight  years,  and  on  being 
asked  why  they  did  so,  they  said  that  it  was  on 
account  of  the  intense  heat  of  the  sun  upon  the 
soil,  which  by  that  time  became  infected  and  cor 
rupted  with  filthiness,  and  caused  pains  in  their 
bodies,  which  seemed  to  us  very  reasonable. 

The  riches  of  these  people  consist  in  the  feathers 
of  birds  of  the  most  magnificent  colours,  of  pater 
nosters,  which  they  fabricate  of  fish  bones,  of 
white  or  green  stones,  with  which  they  decorate 
the  cheeks,  lips,  and  ears,  and  of  many  other 
things  which  are  held  in  little  or  no  esteem  with 
us.  They  carry  on  no  commerce,  neither  buying 
nor  selling,  and,  in  short,  live  contentedly  with 
what  nature  gives  them.  The  riches  which  we  es 
teem  so  highly  in  Europe  and  other  parts,  such 
as  gold,  jewels,  pearls,  and  other  wealth,  they 
have  no  regard  for  at  all,  and  make  no  effort  to 
obtain  any  thing  of  this  kind  which  exists  in  their 
country.  They  are  liberal  in  giving,  never  denying 
one  any  thing,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  are  just 

*  The  edition  of  Gruniger  says,  eigbt  houses  and  ten  thousand 
inhabitants. 

109 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

as  free  In  asking.  The  greatest  mark  of  friend 
ship  they  can  show,  is  to  offer  you  their  wives 
and  daughters,  and  parents  consider  themselves 
highly  honoured  by  an  acceptance  of  this  mark 
of  favour. 


In  case  of  death,  they  make  use  of  various  fune 
ral  obsequies.  Some  bury  their  dead  with  water 
and  provisions  placed  at  their  heads,  thinking 
they  may  have  occasion  to  eat,  but  they  make  no 
parade  in  the  way  of  funeral  ceremonies.  In  some 
places,  they  have  a  most  barbarous  mode  of  in 
terment,  which  is  thus  :  when  one  is  sick  or  infirm, 
and  nearly  at  the  point  of  death,  his  relatives 
carry  him  into  a  large  forest,  and  there  attaching 
one  of  their  sleeping  hammocks  to  two  trees,  they 
place  the  sick  person  in  it,  and  continue  to  swing 
him  about  for  a  whole  day.  and  when  night  comes, 
after  placing  at  his  head  water  and  other  pro 
visions  sufficient  to  sustain  him  for  five  or  six 
days,  they  return  to  their  village.  If  the  sick 
person  can  help  himself  to  eat  and  drink,  and  re 
covers  sufficiently  to  be  able  to  return  to  the 
village,  his  people  receive  him  again  with  great 
ceremony ;  but  few  are  they  who  escape  this  mode 
of  treatment;  most  of  them  die  without  being 
visited,  and  that  is  their  only  burial. 

They  have  various  other  customs  which,  to  avoid 
prolixity,  are  not  here  mentioned.  They  use  in 
their  diseases  various  kinds  of  medicines,  so  differ 
ent  from  any  in  vogue  with  us,  that  we  were  as 
tonished  that  any  escaped.  I  often  saw,  for  in 
stance,  that  when  a  person  was  sick  with  a  fever, 
which  was  increasing  upon  him,  they  bathed  him 
from  head  to  foot  with  cold  water,  and  then  mak 
ing  a  great  fire  around  him,  they  made  him  turn 
110 


AMEKICUS  VESPUC1US. 

round  within  the  circle  for  about  an  hour  or  two. 
until  they  fatigued  him,  and  left  him  to  sleep. 
Many  were  cured  in  this  way.  They  also  observe  a 
strict  diet,  eating  nothing  for  three  or  four  days ; 
they  practise  bloodletting,  but  not  on  the  arm, 
unless  in  the  armpit;  but  generally  they  take 
blood  from  the  thighs  and  haunches,  or  the  calf 
of  the  leg.  In  like  manner  they  excite  vomiting 
with  certain  herbs,  which  they  put  into  their 
mouths,  and  they  use  many  other  remedies,  which 
it  would  be  tedious  to  relate. 

Their  blood  and  phlegm  is  much  disordered  on 
account  of  their  food,  which  consists  mainly  of 
the  roots  of  herbs,  of  fruit  and  fish.  They  have 
no  wheat  or  other  grain,  but  instead,  make  use 
of  the  root  of  a  tree,  from  which  they  manufac 
ture  flour,  which  is  very  good,  and  which  they 
call  Huca;  the  flour  from  another  root  is  called 
Kazabi.  and  from  another,  Ignami.*  They  eat 
little  meat  except  human  flesh,  and  you  will  notice 
that  in  this  particular  they  are  more  savage  than 
beasts,  because  all  their  enemies  who  are  killed  or 
taken  prisoners,  whether  male  or  female,  are  de 
voured  with  so  much  fierceness,  that  it  seems  dis 
gusting  to  relate,  much  more  to  see  it  done,  as  I 
with  my  own  eyes  have  many  times  witnessed 
this  proof  of  their  inhumanity.  Indeed,  they  mar- 

*  "The  Castilians  found  there  very  large  parrots,  honey,  bees' 
wax,  and  an  abundance  of  those  plants  which  the  islanders 
called  Cazabi,  from  which  the  French  Cassave  is  derived."— 
Hist.  Gen.  des  voy.  torn.  xlv.  p.  167.  "  They  brought  much 
Cazabi,  which  is  the  name  of  the  bread."— Ferd.  Col.  p.  117. 
Alvarez  Cabral,  speaking  of  the  Igname  of  the  Brazilians,  says, 
"  A  root  called  Igname,  and  their  bread  which  they  eat."— Ram. 
t.  i.  p.  131.  "Linnaeus  calls  this  plant,  'Dioscorea  oppositi  fo 
lia,'  the  root  of  which  is  eaten,  or  cut  in  pieces  and  baked  under 
the  coals,  or,  when  it  is  of  middling  size,  it  is  boiled  whole,  and 
it  serves  sometimes  also  to  make  bread  of."— Coofc,  vol.  i.  p.  90. 
Ccwwwi,  torn.  i.  p.  67,  68. 

Ill 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

veiled  much  to  hear  us  say  that  we  did  not  eat 
our  enemies. 

And  your  Excellency  may  rest  assured  that  their 
other  barbarous  customs  are  so  numerous  that  it 
is  impossible  herein  to  describe  all  of  them.  As  in 
these  four  voyages  I  have  witnessed  so  many 
things  at  variance  with  our  own  customs,  I  pre 
pared  myself  to  write  a  collection,  which  I  call 
"The  Four  Voyages,"  in  which  I  have  related  the 
major  part  of  the  things  which  I  saw,  as  clearly 
as  my  feeble  capacity  would  permit.  This  work  is 
not  yet  published,  though  many  advise  me  to 
publish  it.  In  it  every  thing  will  appear  minutely, 
therefore  I  shall  not  enlarge  any  more  in  this 
letter,  because  in  the  course  of  it  we  shall  see 
many  things  which  are  peculiar.  Let  this  suffice 
for  matters  in  general. 

In  this  commencement  of  discoveries  we  did  not 
see  any  thing  of  much  profit  in  the  country,  owing, 
as  I  think,  to  our  ignorance  of  the  language,  ex 
cept  some  few  indications  of  gold.  In  whatever 
relates  to  the  situation  and  appearance  of  the 
country  we  could  not  have  succeeded  better.  We 
concluded  to  leave  this  place  and  go  onward,  and 
having  unanimously  come  to  this  resolution,  we 
coasted  along  near  the  land,  making  many  stops, 
and  holding  discourses  with  many  people,  until 
after  some  days  we  came  into  a  harbour,  where 
we  fell  into  very  great  danger,  from  which  it 
pleased  the  Holy  Spirit  to  deliver  us. 

It  happened  in  this  manner.  We  landed  in  a 
port  where  we  found  a  village  built  over  the  water, 
like  Venice.*  There  were  about  forty-four  houses, 
shaped  like  bells,  built  upon  very  large  piles,  hav 
ing  entrances  by  means  of  drawbridges,  so  that  by^ 

*  The  natives  called  this  place  Coquibacoa:  it  is  the  modem 
Venezuela. 

112 


AMERICU8  VESPUCIUS. 

laying  the  bridges  from  house  to  house,  the  in 
habitants  could  pass  through  the  whole.  When 
the  people  saw  us,  they  appeared  to  be  afraid  of 
us,  and  to  protect  themselves,  suddenly  raised  all 
their  bridges,  and  shut  themselves  up  in  their 
houses.  While  we  stood  looking  at  them  and  won 
dering  at  this  proceeding,  we  saw  coming  toward 
us  by  sea  about  two  and  twenty  canoes,  which 
are  the  boats  they  make  use  of,  and  are  carved 
out  of  a  single  tree.  They  came  directly  toward 
our  boats,  appearing  to  be  astonished  at  our 
figures  and  dresses,  and  keeping  at  a  little  dis 
tance  from  us.  This  being  the  case,  we  made 
signals  of  friendship,  to  induce  them  to  come 
nearer  to  us,  endeavouring  to  reassure  them  by 
every  token  of  kindness ;  but  seeing  that  they  did 
not  come,  we  went  toward  them.  They  would  not 
wait  for  us,  however,  but  fled  to  the  land,  making 
signs  to  us  to  wait,  and  giving  us  to  understand 
that  they  would  soon  return. 

They  fled  directly  to  a  mountain,  but  did  not 
tarry  there  long,  and  when  they  returned,  brought 
with  them  sixteen  of  their  young  girls,  and  enter 
ing  their  canoes,  came  to  our  boats  and  put  four 
of  them  into  each  boat,  at  which  we  were  very 
much  astonished,  as  your  Excellency  may  well 
imagine.  Then  they  mingled  with  their  canoes 
among  our  boats,  and  we  considered  their  coming 
to  speak  to  us  in  this  manner,  to  be  a  token  of 
friendship.  Taking  this  for  granted,  we  saw  a 
great  crowd  of  people  swimming  toward  us  from 
the  houses,  without  any  suspicion.  At  this  junc 
ture,  some  old  women  showed  themselves  at  the 
doors  of  the  houses,  wailing  and  tearing  their  hair 
as  if  in  great  distress.  From  this  we  began  to  be 
suspicious,  and  had  immediate  recourse  to  our 
weapons,  when  suddenly  the  girls,  who  were  in 
8  113 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

our  boats,  threw  themselves  into  the  sea,  and  the 
canoes  moved  away,  the  people  in  them  assailing 
us  with  their  bows  and  arrows.  Those  who  came 
swimming  toward  us  brought  each  a  lance,  con 
cealed  as  much  as  possible  under  the  water.  Their 
treachery  being  thus  discovered,  we  began  not  only 
to  defend  ourselves,  but  to  act  severely  on  the  of 
fensive.  We  overturned  many  of  their  canoes  with 
our  boats,  and  making  considerable  slaughter 
among  them,  they  soon  abandoned  the  canoes 
altogether  and  swam  to  the  shore.  Fifteen  or 
twenty  were  killed  and  many  wounded  on  their 
side,  while  on  ours  five  were  slightly  wounded,  all 
the  rest  escaping  by  favour  of  Divine  Providence, 
and  these  five  being  quickly  cured.  We  took 
prisoners  two  of  their  girls  and  three  men,  and 
on  entering  their  houses  found  only  two  old 
women  and  one  sick  man.  We  took  from  them 
many  things  of  little  value,  but  would  not  burn 
their  dwellings,  being  restrained  by  conscientious 
scruples.  Returning  to  our  boats  and  thence  to 
our  ships,  with  five  prisoners,  we  put  irons  on  the 
feet  of  each,  excepting  the  young  females,  yet  when 
night  came,  the  two  girls  and  one  of  the  men 
escaped  in  the  most  artful  manner  in  the  world. 
These  events  having  occurred,  the  next  day  we 
concluded  to  depart  from  the  port  and  proceed 
further.  Keeping  our  course  continually  along  the 
coast,  we  at  length  came  to  anchor  at  about 
eighty  leagues  distance  from  the  place  we  had 
left,  and  found  another  race  of  people,  whose  lan 
guage  and  customs  were  very  different  from  those 
we  had  seen  last.  We  determined  to  land,  and 
while  proceeding  in  our  boats,  we  saw  standing  on 
the  shore  a  great  multitude,  numbering  about  four 
thousand  people.  They  did  not  wait  to  receive 
us,  but  fled  precipitately  to  the  woods,  abandon- 
114 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

ing  their  things.  We  leaped  ashore,  and  taking 
the  way  which  led  to  the  wood,  found  their  tents 
within  the  space  of  a  bow-shot,  where  they  had 
made  a  great  fire,  and  two  of  them  were  cooking 
their  food,  roasting  many  animals  and  fish  of 
various  kinds. 

We  noticed  that  they  were  roasting  a  certain 
animal  that  looked  like  a  serpent;  it  had  no 
wings,  and  was  so  filthy  in  appearance,  that  we 
were  astonished  at  its  deformity.  As  we  went 
through  their  houses  or  tents,  we  saw  many  of 
these  serpents  alive.  Their  feet  were  tied,  and  they 
had  a  cord  round  their  snouts,  so  that  they 
could  not  open  their  mouths,  as  dogs  are  some 
times  muzzled,  so  that  they  may  not  bite.  These 
animals  had  such  a  savage  appearance,  that  none 
of  us  dared  to  turn  one  over,  thinking  they  might 
be  poisonous.  They  are  about  the  size  of  a  kid. 
about  the  length  and  a  half  of  a  man's  arm,  hav 
ing  long  coarse  feet  armed  with  large  nails.  Their 
skin  is  hard,  and  they  are  of  various  colours. 
They  have  the  snout  and  face  of  a  serpent,  and 
from  the  nose  there  runs  a  crest,  passing  over  the 
middle  of  the  back  to  the  root  of  the  tail.  We 
finally  concluded  that  they  were  serpents,  and 
poisonous;  and,  nevertheless,  they  were  eaten.* 

We  found  that  this  people  made  bread  of  small 
fish  which  they  caught  in  the  sea.  by  first  boiling 

*  The  navigator  has  perhaps  drawn  somewhat  upon  his  imagi 
nation  in  his  description  of  this  animal,  although  Canovai  adopts 
it  seriously,  and  says  in  a  note  that  "  this  is  the  serpent  Tuana 
which  is  spoken  of  in  Ramus,  torn.  ill.  p.  130."— Canovai,  Viaggi, 
&c.,tom.  i.  p.  75.  Navarre"te  mentions  this  as  one  of  the  absurdities 
of  Vespucius.— Navar.  Collection,  torn.  iii.  p.  325.  But  though 
ft  is  rather  hard  to  believe  in  a  domestic  serpent  as  large  as  a 
kid,  yet  the  whole  difficulty  vanishes,  if  for  the  word  serpent, 
which  seems  to  have  been  misapplied  by  the  navigator,  we  sub 
stitute  reptile  or  animal. 

115 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

them,  then  kneading  together  and  making  a  paste 
of  them,  which  they  baked  upon  the  hot  coals ;  we 
tried  it,  and  found  it  good.*  They  have  so  many 
other  kinds  of  eating,  chiefly  of  fruits  and  roots, 
that  it  would  be  very  tedious  to  describe  them  mi 
nutely.  Seeing,  then,  that  the  people  did  not  re 
turn,  we  resolved  not  to  meddle  with  or  take 
away  any  of  their  things,  in  order  to  reassure 
them ;  and,  having  left  in  their  tents  many  of  our 
own  things,  in  places  where  they  might  be  seen, 
returned  to  our  ships  for  the  night.  Early  the 
next  morning  we  saw  a  great  number  of  people  on 
the  shore,  and  landed.  Though  they  seemed  fear 
ful  of  us,  they  were  sufficiently  confident  to  treat 
with  us,  and  gave  us  all  that  we  asked  of  them. 
Finally  they  became  very  friendly;  told  us  that 
this  was  not  their  place  of  dwelling,  but  that 
they  had  come  there  to  carry  on  their  fishery. 
They  invited  us  to  go  to  their  villages,  because 
they  wished  to  receive  us  as  friends— their  amica 
ble  feelings  toward  us  being  much  strengthened  by 
the  circumstance  of  our  having  the  two  prisoners 
with  us,  who  were  their  enemies.  They  impor 
tuned  us  so  much,  that,  having  taken  counsel, 
twenty-three  of  us  Christians  concluded  to  go 
with  them,  well  prepared,  and  with  firm  resolution 
to  die  manfully,  if  such  was  to  be  our  fate. 

After  we  had  remained  here  three  days,  we  ac 
cordingly  started  with  them  for  a  journey  inland. 
Three  leagues  from  the  shore  we  arrived  at  a 

*  "The  ancient  fish-eaters  also  dried  their  fish,  and  made  flour 
out  of  them.  A  large  quantity  of  dried  flsh  was  presented  to 
him  (Nearchus);  these  people  eating  flsh  as  their  common  food." 
— Ramus,  t.  i.  p.  371,  B.  In  our  times  the  same  custom  prevails 
in  those  countries.  Barbosa  writes,  "  In  this  country  they  at 
tend  much  to  fishing,  and  catch  very  large  flsh,  which  they  salt, 
and  also  feed  their  horses  with  them."  —Ram.  t.  p.  295.  Cano- 
vai,  torn.  i.  p.  75,  76,  note. 

116 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

tolerably  well-peopled  village,  of  a  few  houses- 
there  not  being  over  nine— where  we  were  received 
with  BO  many  and  such  barbarous  ceremonies, 
that  no  pen  is  equal  to  the  task  of  describing 
them.  There  was  dancing  and  singing,  and  weep 
ing  mingled  with  rejoicing,  and  great  feasting. 
Here  we  staid  for  the  night,  when  they  offered  us 
their  wives,  and  solicited  us  with  such  urgency, 
that  we  could  not  refrain.  After  having  passed 
the  night  and  half  of  the  next  day,  an  immense 
number  of  people  visiting  us  from  motives  of 
curiosity— the  oldest  among  them  begging  us  to 
go  with  them  to  other  villages,  as  they  desired  to 
do  us  great  honour— we  determined  to  proceed 
still  further  inland.  And  it  is  impossible  to  tell 
how  much  honour  they  did  us  there.  We  visited 
so  many  villages,  that  we  spent  nine  days  hi  the 
journey;  having  been  so  long  absent,  that  our 
companions  in  the  ships  began  to  be  uneasy  on 
our  account. 

Being  now  about  eighteen  leagues  inland,  we  de 
liberated  about  returning.  On  our  return,  we 
were  accompanied  by  a  wonderful  number,  of  both 
sexes,  quite  to  the  seashore;  and  when  any  of  us 
grew  weary  with  walking,  they  carried  us  in  their 
hammocks  much  at  our  ease;  in  passing  rivers, 
which  were  numerous  and  quite  large,  they  con 
veyed  us  over  with  so  much  skill  and  safety,  that 
we  were  not  in  the  slightest  danger.  Many  of 
them  were  laden  with  the  presents  they  had  made 
us,  which  they  transported  in  hammocks.  These 
consisted  in  very  rich  plumage,  many  bows  and 
arrows,  and  an  infinite  number  of  parrots  of  vari 
ous  colours.  Others  brought  loads  of  provisions 
and  animals.  For  a  greater  wonder.  I  will  in 
form  your  Excellency,  that  when  we  had  to  cross 
over  a  river,  they  carried  us  on  their  backs. 
117 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Having  arrived  at  the  sea,  and  entered  the 
boats  which  had  come  on  shore  for  us,  we  were 
astonished  at  the  crowd  which  endeavoured  to 
get  into  the  boats  to  go  to  see  our  ships;  they 
were  so  overloaded  that  they  were  oftentimes  on 
the  point  of  sinking.  We  carried  as  many  as  we 
could  on  board,  and  so  many  more  came  by 
swimming,  that  we  were  quite  troubled  at  the 
multitude  on  board,  although  they  were  all  naked 
and  unarmed.  They  were  in  great  astonishment 
at  our  equipments  and  implements,  and  at  the 
size  of  our  ships.  Here  quite  a  laughable  oc 
currence  took  place  at  their  expense.  We  con 
cluded  to  try  the  effect  of  discharging  some  of 
our  artillery,  and  when  they  heard  the  thundering 
report,  the  greater  part  of  them  jumped  into  the 
sea  from  fright,  acting  like  frogs  sitting  on  a 
bank,  who  plunge  into  the  marsh  on  the  approach 
of  any  thing  that  alarms  them.  Those  who  re 
mained  in  the  ships  were  so  timorous  that  we  re 
pented  of  having  done  this.  However,  we  reas 
sured  them  by  telling  them  that  these  were  the 
arms  with  which  we  killed  our  enemies.  Having 
amused  themselves  in  the  ships  all  day,  we  told 
them  that  they  must  go,  as  we  wished  to  depart 
in  the  night.  So  they  took  leave  of  us  with  many 
demonstrations  of  friendship  and  affection,  and 
went  ashore. 

I  saw  more  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  these 
people,  while  in  their  country,  than  I  wish  to  dwell 
upon  here.  Your  Excellency  will  notice,  that  in 
each  of  my  voyages,  I  have  noted  the  most  ex 
traordinary  things  which  have  occurred,  and 
compiled  the  whole  into  one  volume,  in  the  style 
of  a  geography,  and  entitled  it  "The  Four  Voy 
ages."  In  this  work  will  be  found  a  minute  de 
scription  of  the  things  which  I  saw,  but  as  there 
118 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

is  no  copy  of  it  yet  published,  owing  to  my  being 
obliged  to  examine  and  correct  it,  it  becomes 
necessary  for  me  to  impart  them  to  you  herein. 

This  country  is  full  of  inhabitants,  and  contains 
a  great  many  rivers.  Very  few  of  the  animals  are 
similar  to  ours,  excepting  the  lions,  panthers, 
stags,  hogs,  goats,  and  deer,  and  even  these  are 
a  little  different  in  form.  They  have  neither  horses, 
mules,  nor  asses,  neither  cows,  dogs,  nor  any 
kind  of  domestic  animals.  Their  other  animals, 
however,  are  so  very  numerous,  that  it  is  impossi 
ble  to  count  them,  and  all  of  them  so  wild,  that 
they  cannot  be  employed  for  serviceable  uses. 
But  what  shall  I  say  of  their  birds,  which  are  so 
numerous  and  of  so  many  species  and  varieties  of 
plumage,  that  it  is  astounding  to  behold  them ! 

The  country  is  pleasant  and  fruitful,  full  of 
woods  and  forests,  which  are  always  green,  as 
they  never  lose  their  foliage.  The  fruits  are  num 
berless,  and  totally  different  from  ours.  The  land 
lies  within  the  Torrid  Zone,  under  the  parallel 
which  describes  the  Tropic  of  Cancer,  where  the 
pole  is  elevated  twenty-three  degrees  above  the 
horizon,  on  the  borders  of  the  second  climate. 
A  great  many  people  came  to  see  us,  and  were 
astonished  at  our  features  and  the  whiteness  of 
our  skins.  They  asked  us  where  we  came  from, 
and  we  gave  them  to  understand  that  we  came 
from  heaven,  with  the  view  of  visiting  the  world, 
and  they  believed  us.  In  this  country  we  estab 
lished  a  baptismal  font,  and  great  numbers  were 
baptized,  calling  us,  in  their  language,  Carabi, 
which  means  men  of  great  wisdom. 

The  natives  called  this  province  Lariab.*    We 

*  This  name  is  read  Lariab  in  the  edition  of  Valori,  and  also  in 
that  of  Gruniger.  Giuntini  substitutes  Paria,  which  is,  doubt 
less,  the  same  region.  The  change  of  one  name  for  the  other 
was  simply  a  corruption. 

119 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

left  the  port,  and  sailed  along  the  coast,  con 
tinuing  in  sight  of  land,  until  we  had  run,  cal 
culating  our  advances  and  retrogressions,  eight 
hundred  and  seventy  leagues  towards  the  north 
west,  making  many  stops  by  the  way,  and  having 
intercourse  with  many  people.  In  some  places  we 
found  traces  of  gold,  but  in  small  quantities,  it 
being  sufficient  for  us  to  have  discovered  the  coun 
try  and  to  know  that  there  was  gold  in  it. 

We  had  now  been  thirteen  months  on  the  voyage, 
and  the  ships  and  rigging  were  much  worn,  and 
the  men  weary.    So  by  common  consent  we  agreed 
to  careen  our  ships  on  the  beach,  in  order  to  calk 
and  pitch  them  anew,  as  they  leaked  badly,  and 
then   to   return  to   Spain.    When   we  took  this 
resolution,  we  were  near  one  of  the  best  harbours 
in  the  world,  which  we  entered,  and  found  a  vast 
number  of  people,  who  received  us  most  kindly.* 
We  made  a  breastwork  on  shore  with  our  boats 
and  our  casks,  and  placed  our  artillery  so  that  it 
would  play  over  them ;  then  having  unloaded  and 
lightened  our  ships,  we  hauled  them  to  land,  and 
repaired  them  wherever  they  needed  it.    The  na 
tives   were  of  very  great  assistance  to  us,  con 
tinually  providing  food,  so  that  in  this  port  we 
consumed  very  little  of  our  own.    This  served  us  a 
very  good  turn,  for  our  provisions  were  poor,  and 
the  stock  so  much  reduced  at  this  time,  that  we 
feared  it  would  hardly  last  us  on  our  return  to 
Spain.    Having    stayed   here   thirty-seven   days, 
visiting  their  villages  many  times,  where  they  paid 
us  the  highest  honour,  we  wished  to  depart  on 
our  voyage. 

Before  we  set  sail,  the  natives  complained  to  us, 
that   at   certain    times   in   the  year  there  came 

*  This  was  probably  the  modern  port  of  Mochina,  on  the  coast 
of  Cumana.; 

120 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

from  the  sea  into  their  territory  a  very  cmel 
tribe,  who,  either  by  treachery  or  force,  killed 
many  of  them,  and  eat  them,  while  they  captured 
others,  and  carried  them  prisoners  into  their  own 
country,  and  that  they  were  hardly  able  to  defend 
themselves.  They  signified  to  us  that  this  tribe 
were  islanders,  and  lived  at  about  one  hundred 
leagues  distance  at  sea.  They  narrated  this  to 
us  with  so  much  simplicity  and  feeling,  that  we 
credited  them,  and  promised  to  avenge  their  great 
injuries;  at  which  they  were  highly  rejoiced,  and 
many  offered  to  go  with  us.  We  did  not  wish  to 
take  them,  for  many  reasons,  and  only  carried 
seven,  on  the  condition  that  they  should  come 
back  in  their  own  canoes,  for  we  would  not  enter 
into  obligations  to  return  them  to  their  own 
country.  With  this  they  were  contented,  and  we 
parted  from  these  people,  leaving  them  very  well 
disposed  toward  us. 

Our  ships  having  been  repaired,  we  set  sail  on 
our  return,  taking  a  northeasterly  course,  and  at 
the  end  of  seven  days  fell  in  with  some  islands. 
There  were  a  great  many  of  them,  some  peopled, 
others  uninhabited.  We  landed  at  one  of  them, 
where  we  saw  many  people,  who  called  the  island 
Iti.  Having  filled  our  boats  with  good  men,  and 
put  three  rounds  of  shot  in  each  boat,  we  pro 
ceeded  toward  the  land,  where  we  saw  about  four 
hundred  men  and  many  women,  all  naked,  like 
those  we  had  seen  before.  They  were  of  good 
stature,  and  appeared  to  be  very  warlike  men,  be 
ing  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  and  lances. 
The  greater  part  of  them  carried  staves  of  a 
square  form,  attached  to  their  persons  in  such  a 
manner  that  they  were  not  prevented  from  draw 
ing  the  bow.  As  we  approached  within  bow-shot 
of  the  shore,  they  all  leaped  into  the  water,  and 
121 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

shot  their   arrows  at  us,  to  prevent  our  land 
ing. 

They  were  painted  with  various  colours,  and 
plumed  with  feathers,  and  the  interpreters  who 
were  with  us  told  us  that  when  they  were  thus 
painted  and  plumed  they  showed  a  wish  to  fight. 
They  persisted  so  much  in  their  endeavours  to  de 
ter  us  from  landing,  that  we  were  at  last  com 
pelled  to  fire  on  them  with  our  artillery.  Hearing 
the  thunder  of  our  cannon,  and  seeing  some  of 
their  people  fall  dead,  they  all  retreated  to  the 
shore.  We,  having  consulted  together,  forty  of 
us  resolved  to  leap  ashore,  and  if  they  waited  for 
us,  to  fight  with  them.  Proceeding  thus,  they  at 
tacked  us,  and  we  fought  about  two  hours  with 
little  advantage,  except  that  our  bowmen  and 
gunners  killed  some  of  their  people,  and  they 
wounded  some  of  ours.  This  was  because  we 
could  not  get  a  chance  to  use  the  lance  or  the 
sword.  We  finally,  by  desperate  exertion,  were 
enabled  to  draw  the  sword,  and  as  soon  as  they 
had  a  taste  of  our  arms,  they  fled  to  the  moun 
tains  and  woods,  leaving  us  masters  of  the  field, 
with  many  of  their  people  killed  and  wounded. 
This  day  we  did  not  pursue  them,  because  we 
were  much  fatigued,  but  returned  to  our  ships, 
the  seven  men  who  came  with  us  being  very 
highly  rejoiced. 

The  next  day  we  saw  a  great  number  of  people 
coming  through  the  country,  still  offering  us  signs 
of  battle,  sounding  horns  and  various  other 
instruments  which  they  use  in  war,  and  all  painted 
and  plumed,  which  gave  them  a  strange  and 
ferocious  appearance.  Whereupon,  all  in  the  ships 
held  a  grand  council,  and  it  was  determined  that 
since  these  people  were  resolved  to  be  at  enmity 
with  us,  we  would  go  to  meet  them,  and  do  every 
122 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

thing  to  engage  their  friendship ;  but  in  case  they 
would  not  receive  it,  we  resolved  to  treat  them 
as  enemies,  and  to  make  slaves  of  all  we  could 
capture.  Having  armed  ourselves  in  the  best 
manner  possible,  we  immediately  rowed  ashore, 
where  they  did  not  resist  our  landing,  from  fear, 
as  I  think,  of  our  bombardment.  We  disembarked 
in  four  squares,  being  fifty-seven  men,  each  cap 
tain  with  his  own  men,  and  engaged  them  in  battle. 

After  a  long  battle,  having  killed  many,  we  put 
them  to  flight,  and  pursued  them  to  a  village, 
taking  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners.* 
We  burned  the  village,  and  returned  victorious  to 
the  ships  with  our  prisoners,  leaving  many  killed 
and  wounded  on  their  side,  while  on  ours  not 
more  than  one  died,  and  only  twenty-two  were 
wounded.  The  rest  all  escaped  unhurt,  for  which, 
God  be  thanked.  We  soon  arranged  for  our  de 
parture,  and  the  seven  men.  of  whom  five  were 
wounded,  took  a  canoe  from  the  island,  and  with 
seven  prisoners,  four  women  and  three  men  that 
we  gave  them,  returned  to  their  own  country, 
very  merry  and  greatly  astonished  at  our  power. 
We  also  set  sail  for  Spain,  with  two  hundred  and 
twenty-two  prisoners,  slaves,  and  arrived  in  the 
port  of  Cadiz  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  October, 
1498,  where  we  were  well  received,  and  found  a 
market  for  our  slaves.  This  is  what  happened  to 
me,  in  this  my  first  voyage,  that  may  be  consid 
ered  worth  relating.! 

*  The  edition  of  Grunijfer  reads,  "  twenty-five  slaves ; "  but  it 
does  not  appear  probable  that  the  number  was  so  small  and  the 
text  is  in  accordance  with  Canovai. 

tThe  edition  of  Gruniger  makes  the  date  of  the  return  of 
Americus  the  15th  of  October,  1499,  and,  immediately  after,  gives 
as  the  date  of  his  departure  on  his  second  voyage,  May,  1499.  So 
manifest  an  error  of  print,  one  would  think,  ought  not  to  have 
afforded  any  ground  from  which  to  argue  the  Incredibility  of  the 
writer,  yet  Navarre'te  makes  use  of  it  for  this  purpose. 
123 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

It  appears  in  the  history  of  Columbus,  that  the 
Admiral,  after  visiting  the  coast  of  Paria,  in  1498, 
arrived,  on  the  30th  of  August  in  that  year,  at 
the  settlement  which  he  had  founded  on  the  island 
of  Hispaniola.  He  found  the  affairs  of  the  colony 
in  the  greatest  state  of  confusion  and  anarchy. 
Notwithstanding  the  sagacious  and  vigorous  gov 
ernment  of  his  brother  Bartholomew,  whom  he 
had  left  behind  him  as  his  lieutenant  or  adelan- 
tado,  a  serious  insurrection,  headed  by  an  am 
bitious  man  named  Roldan,  had  broken  out,  and 
threatened  the  utter  destruction  of  the  new  col 
ony.  Roldan  was  the  last  man  who  should  have 
rebelled  against  the  authority  of  Columbus,  for 
he  had  been  raised  by  the  Admiral  from  poverty 
and  a  low  position,  to  one  of  usefulness  and 
distinction;  but  he  was  " one  of  those  base  spirits, 
which  grew  venomous  in  the  sunshine  of  pros 
perity."* 

Columbus  saw  at  once  the  necessity  of  vigorous 
measures  to  quell  the  growing  spirit  of  discontent 
and  rebellion.  He  was  well  aware  that  many  of 
the  colonists  were  extremely  anxious  to  return  to 
Spain.  They  were  composed  mostly  of  refugees 
from  justice,  and  convicts  who  had  been  pardoned, 
on  the  condition  of  accompanying  him  on  his 
second  and  third  voyages,  and  looked  upon  their 
residence  in  Hispaniola  as  a  punishment.  He 
deemed  it  advisable,  therefore,  to  get  rid  of  as 
many  of  these  unruly  subjects  as  possible,  and 

*  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  771.    Fernando  Columbus,  chap.  Ixxiv. 
124 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

i 

accordingly,  on  the  12th  of  September,  1498,  he 
made  proclamation,  offering  a  free  passage  home 
to  such  of  the  colonists  as  wished  to  avail  them 
selves  of  the  chance,  in  five  vessels,  which  he  de 
termined  to  despatch  at  once  for  Spain.  He  hoped 
by  this  means  to  weaken  the  force  of  the  dis 
affected,  and  was  desirous,  also,  of  sending  to  his 
sovereigns  an  account  of  his  further  discoveries.  * 

These  ships  set  sail,  on  the  18th  of  the  next 
month,  from  the  port  of  Isabella,  in  the  island  of 
Hispaniola,  just  three  days  after  the  date  of  the 
arrival  of  Americus  from  his  first  voyage,  in 
Cadiz.  They  reached  Spain  in  the  month  of  De 
cember,  after  a  passage  of  about  two  months, 
bringing  with  them  an  account  of  the  recent  voy 
age  of  Columbus,  with  some  specimens  of  the 
gold  and  pearls  which  he  had  picked  up  on  the 
coast  of  Paria.  This  account  was  accompanied  by 
a  chart  of  the  track  of  the  expedition,  and  dis 
coursed  in  glowing  terms  of  the  beauties  and 
wealth  of  the  country  which  he  had  visited. f 

It  is  probable  that  this  was  the  first  news  which 
was  published  in  Spain  of  the  newly-found  conti 
nent.  Following  out  the  idea  adopted  and  illus 
trated  in  the  sixth  chapter  of  this  work,  that  the 
expedition  which  Americus  first  accompanied  was 
a  private  enterprise,  joined  by  him  as  an  agent 
in  behalf  of  the  king,  it  is  reasonable  to  conclude 
that  secresy  was  at  first  maintained  concerning 
it.  for  purposes  of  private  advantage.  It  is  very 

*  Fernando  Columbus,  chap.  Ixxiv. 

+  Irving,  vol.'ii.  p.  781. 

In  this  account  Columbus  still  adhered  to  his  first  views,  and 
did  not  imagine  for  a  moment  that  when  he  touched  the  coast 
of  Paria  he  had  found  a  continent.  Ferdinand  Columbus  says 
that  "he  called  it  the  Holy  Island,  believing  that  land  of  Paria 
to  be  no  continent."— Fen?.  Columbus,  chap.  Ixxi. 
125 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

likely,  however,  that  it  was  communicated  to  the 
government  by  Americus,  and  this  supposition  is 
corroborated  by  what  followed. 

Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  a  young  man  of  great  courage 
and  enterprise,  who,  when  only  twenty-one  years 
of  age,  had  accompanied  Columbus  on  his  second 
voyage,  and  distinguished  himself  much  by  his 
gallantry  a  ad  audacious  spirit,  was  at  that  time 
lingering  about  the  court,  in  search  of  some  ser 
vice  or  employment,  in  which  to  gain  new  laurels 
by  his  prowess.  He  was  brought  up  as  a  page  by 
the  Duke  of  Medina  Celi,  one  of  the  earliest  sup 
porters  of  Columbus  at  the  court  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  and  had  been  trained  to  hardy  exer 
cises  and  daring  exploits  in  the  Moorish  wars. 
Possessing  influential  connexions  and  friends,  he 
found  little  difficulty  in  organizing  an  expedition 
to  continue  these  discoveries,  which  were  the  first 
that  had  roused  the  cupidity  of  the  Spaniards,  by 
their  enticing  descriptions  of  pearls,  and  gold,  and 
spices.* 

Hitherto  the  accounts  of  the  New  World  had 
fallen  far  short  of  the  sanguine  anticipations  of 
men,  and,  as  appears  above,  the  disappointment 
in  the  expectations  of  all  was  so  great,  that  it 
had  been  found  necessary  to  force  sailors  to  ac 
company  the  second  and  third  expeditions.  Con 
victs  and  desperate  characters  of  all  descriptions 
had  been  pressed  into  the  service;  but  the  great 
sensation  produced  by  the  later  intelligence  en 
tirely  altered  the  face  of  affairs.  A  multitude  of 
adventurers,  noble  as  well  as  of  low  degree,  came 
eagerly  forward  to  enrol  themselves  as  volunteers 
in  every  new  armament,  and  the  only  difficulty  was, 
to  make  a  judicious  selection  from  the  crowd  of 
applicants. 

*  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  945. 
126 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

The  Bishop  Fonseca,  who  held  the  chief  control 
of  all  matters  appertaining  to  the  affairs  of  the 
Indies,  had  been  since  the  year  1493  a  bitter 
enemy  to  Columbus,  and  was  always  ready  to 
seize  upon  any  opportunity  to  annoy  and  impede 
him  in  his  undertakings.*  He  gladly  encouraged 
Ojeda  to  proceed  in  his  attempt,  and  issued  a 
commission,  giving  him  full  authority.  Well  know 
ing  that  the  representations  of  Columbus,  before 
his  departure  on  his  third  voyage,  had  procured  a 
revocation  of  the  edict  of  general  license  to  private 
adventures,  he  did  not  seek  the  approval  of  the 
sovereigns,  and  the  commission  appears  signed  by 
him  alone,  in  virtue  of  his  general  superintendence 
of  such  affairs.f  It  was  worded  with  great  cau 
tion  and  address,  for  the  Bishop  knew  that  King 
Ferdinand  would  be  gratified  at  the  prospect  of 
extending  his  dominions  at  the  expense  of  private 
persons,  although  he  did  not  wish  to  appear 
guilty  of  any  public  breach  of  faith  with  Colum 
bus.  Accordingly,  the  only  provisos  which  the 
license  of  Ojeda  contained,  were  to  the  effect,  that 
he  should  not  visit  any  lands  belonging  to  the 
King  of  Portugal,  or  any  of  those  which  had  been 
discovered  for  Spain  previous  to  the  year  1495; 

*  The  origin  of  the  difficulty  between  Columbus  and  the  Bishop 
Fonseca  was  this.  While  at  Seville,  making  preparations  for 
his  second  voyage,  Columbus  found  that  the  expenses  would  be 
greater  than  he  had  anticipated,  and  much  delay  and  demurring 
was  occasioned  in  the  settlement  of  his  accounts.  Fonseca  was 
very  captious  in  the  matter,  and  in  particular  refused  the  appli 
cation  of  Columbus  for  the  appointment  of  certain  members  of 
his  household  retinue.  Columbus  appealed  to  the  sovereigns, 
who  rebuked  the  Bishop  in  a  letter,  in  which  they  ordered  that 
he  should  be  allowed  ten  squires  or  unmounted  footmen,  and 
twenty  additional  servants,  in  various  domestic  capacities.  Fon 
seca  cherished  the  memory  of  this  affront,  as  he  chose  to  con 
sider  it,  to  the  latest  period  of  his  life.— Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  687. 

t  Navarrete,  torn.  ii. 

127 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

thus  leaving  him  entire  liberty  to  explore  the 
coast  of  Paria  and  the  adjacent  countries,  and 
giving  him  an  opportunity  to  reap  the  first  fruits 
of  the  golden  harvest  which  the  accounts  of 
Americus  and  Columbus  represented  as  awaiting 
him. 

The  near  resemblance  of  its  incidents,  the  simi 
larity  of  dates  of  departure  and  arrival,  and  the 
direct  testimony  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  himself,  in 
the  course  of  the  lawsuit  of  Don  Diego  Columbus, 
referred  to  in  a  previous  chapter,  render  it  almost 
certain  that  this  voyage  of  Ojeda  and  the  second 
voyage  of  Americus  are  identical.  It  is  true  that 
the  Italian  biographers  of  the  navigator  arrive 
at  a  different  conclusion,  but  they  had  not  the 
benefit  of  the  valuable  mass  of  testimony  which 
has  recently  been  brought  to  light  by  the  re 
searches  of  Navarrete  among  the  dusty  archives  of 
Spain,  and  are  in  some  degree  carried  away  by 
their  desire  to  exalt  Americus  to  a  separate  com 
mand  and  authority,  rather  than  leave  him  in 
the  less  showy  and  consequential,  but  more  useful 
position  of  a  skilful  navigator  and  scientific  as 
tronomer.  Before  proceeding,  however,  to  give 
the  descriptions  which  Americus  has  left  of  his 
second  voyage,  the  few  events  which  have  come 
down  to  the  present  time,  relating  to  his  personal 
history  during  the  interval  between  his  arrival  and 
second  departure,  demand  attention. 

It  was  during  this  interval  of  about  seven 
months,  that  Americus,  notwithstanding  the  mul 
tifarious  employments  and  negotiations  in  which 
he  was  engaged,  found  time  to  complete  a  matri 
monial  engagement,  which  he  had  entered  into 
before  his  first  voyage.  Donna  Maria  Cerezo, 
the  lady  whom  he  married,  became  known,  and 
subsequently  betrothed  to  him.  while  he  was  con- 
12$ 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

ducting  the  affairs  of  the  house  of  Berardi,  in 
Seville,  but  either  from  prudential  motives,  or 
some  other  cause  which  cannot  now  be  ascertained, 
their  nuptials  did  not  take  place  till  after  his 
first  voyage.  This  lady  was  a  native  of  Seville, 
of  an  honourable  though  not  wealthy  family,  and 
it  is  reasonable  to  conclude  that  her  alliance 
with  Americus  was  based  upon  motives  of  affection 
alone,  as  the  navigator  was  neither  at  that  time, 
nor  ever  afterwards,  in  affluent  circumstances. 
Very  little  is  known  respecting  this  lady,  excepting 
that  her  union  with  Americus  was  unproductive 
of  children,  and  that  she  survived  him,  receiving 
from  the  government,  after  his  death,  a  handsome 
pension  in  consideration  of  her  husband's  ser 
vices.* 

Soon  after  his  marriage,  Americus  visited  the 
court,  where  he  was  received  with  marked  atten 
tion  by  the  king,  Ferdinand.  Bishop  Fonseca 
paid  him  particular  attention  and  honour.  He 
was  consulted  respecting  new  expeditions,  and 
his  accounts  of  what  he  had  already  seen  were 
listened  to  with  the  greatest  interest.  The  cold 
and  calculating  spirit  of  the  king  was  gratified 
by  finding  that  others  besides  Columbus  could 
add  to  his  dominions  and  wealth,  for  he  already 
repented  the  contract  he  had  entered  into  with 
the  Admiral.  When  that  was  agreed  upon,  he 
little  dreamed  of  the  vast  concessions  he  was 
making  to  a  subject,  considering  his  schemes  wild 
and  visionary ;  but  now  that  the  brightest  hopes 
of  the  advocates  of  Columbus  seemed  on  the 
point  of  being  realized,  he  was  anxious  to  grasp 
as  much  as  possible  for  himself,  and  bitterly  re 
pented  his  former  bargain. 

*  See  the  Illustrations  and  Documents.  Translation  of  Doc 
uments  from  Navarre'te. 

129 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Alonzo  de  Ojeda.  haying  comparatively  little 
experience  as  a  navigator,  and  viewing  his  pro 
jected  voyage  in  the  light  of  a  marauding  enter 
prise  rather  than  as  an  expedition  of  discovery, 
was  naturally  desirous  of  engaging  the  services  of 
competent  and  scientific  navigators  to  conduct  his 
fleet.  He  made  immediate  application  to  Ameri- 
cus  and  to  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  whose  reputation 
for  skill  in  nautical  affairs  was  deservedly  high, 
and  urged  strongly  that  they  should  accompany 
him.*  Americus  was  at  first  disinclined  to  go, 
and  represented  the  short  time  which  he  would 
have  to  enjoy  the  quiet  and  repose  of  home, 
after  a  long  and  arduous  voyage,  but  his  ob 
jections  were  of  no  avail.  Seconded  by  the  re 
quests  of  the  Bishop  Fonseca.  the  entreaties  of 
Ojeda  prevailed,  and  Americus  decided  again  to 
visit  the  New  World. 

Thus  strengthened  by  the  patronage  of  the 
Court,  the  next  step  for  Ojeda  was  to  find  the 
means  of  equipping  his  expedition.  The  connexion 
of  Americus  with  many  of  the  rich  merchants  of 
Seville  was  of  material  aid  in  this  particular,  and 
but  little  difficulty  was  experienced  in  finding 
among  the  wealthy  capitalists  of  that  enterprising 
city  some  who  were  willing  to  stake  a  portion  of 
their  fortunes  on  the  successful  issue  of  the  schemes 
of  the  adventurer.  A  fleet  of  four  vessels  was 
speedily  equipped  at  St.  Mary,  a  port  on  the 
shore  of  the  bay  of  Cadiz,  opposite  to  that  city, 
and  by  the  latter  part  of  the  spring  of  1499  was 
ready  for  sea.  So  tempting  was  the  spirit  of  ad 
venture,  that  many  of  the  sailors  who,  at  their 
own  request,  had  been  sent  home  by  Columbus 

*  For  a  sketch  of  the  lives  of  Ojeda  and  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  the 
companions  of  Americus,  in  his  second  voyage,  see  Illustrations 
and  Documents. 

130 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

from  Hispaniola.  enrolled  themselves  in  this  new 
expedition.* 

A  brief  notice  of  the  individual  to  whom  Ameri- 
cus  addressed  his  letters,  giving  an  account  of  his 
second  and  third  voyages,  may  not  be  without 
interest  to  the  reader.  Cosmo  de'  Medici,  the 
grandfather  of  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  had  a 
brother,  by  name  Lorenzo,  in  connexion  with 
whom  he  carried  on  a  very  extensive  trade,  both 
in  Florence  and  in  other  parts  of  the  world. 
This  Lorenzo  left  only  one  son,  Pier  Francesco, 
who  inherited  his  wealth.  It  was  retained,  how 
ever,  in  the  hands  of  Cosmo  de  Medici,  for  some 
years  after  his  death,  and  a  division  of  the  family 
property  did  not  take  place  until  the  year  1451. 
At  that  time  a  new  agreement  or  partnership 
was  entered  into,  by  which  it  was  stipulated  that 
the  business  should  be  carried  on  for  the  joint 
benefit  of  Pier  Francesco,  and  the  two  sons  of 
Cosmo,  Piero  and  Giovanni,  and  that  their  prof 
its  should  be  divided  in  equal  thirds.  Very  large 
acquisitions  were  the  result  of  this  arrangement, 
but  while  Cosmo  and  his  sons  expended  immense 
amounts  in  public  charities  and  in  supporting  the 
dignity  of  chief  magistrates  of  the  republic.  Pier 
Francesco  preferred  the  quiet  of  private  life,  and 
transmitted  to  his  sons,  Lorenzo,  the  subject  of 
this  notice,  and  Giovanni,  a  patrimony  much 
more  ample  than  that  which  Lorenzo  the  Magnifi 
cent  inherited  from  his  father,  Piero. 

The  death  of  Pier  Francesco  took  place  in  1459. 
His  sons  continued  in  the  same  course  which  their 
father  had  pursued  throughout  life.    They  were 
both  anxious  rather  to  acquire  wealth  and   in 
crease  their  already   overgrown   property,   than 
ambitious  of  political  honours.    In  1490.  as  ap- 
*  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  945. 
131 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

pears  previously  in  this  work,  Lorenzo  gave  cer 
tain  commissions  to  Americas,  which  were  one 
cause  of  his  residence  in  Spain.  At  the  time  of 
the  expulsion  of  Piero  de  Medici  from  Florence,  in 
1494,  the  two  brothers,  fearful  of  being  themselves 
banished  in  the  popular  commotions  which  ensued, 
dropped  the  family  name,  which  at  that  time  was 
in  so  much  odium  from  the  inefficient  management 
of  Piero,  and  assumed  the  surname  of  Popolani. 
It  appears  that  they  were  influenced  to  this  course 
partly  by  a  desire  to  acquire  for  themselves  the 
power  which  had  passed  out  of  the  possession  of 
the  elder  branch  of  the  family;  but,  if  so,  the 
subsequent  elevation  of  Piero  Soderini,  and  the 
return  of  the  elder  branch,  after  his  fall,  disap 
pointed  their  hopes. 

Both  the  correspondent  of  Americus  and  his 
brother  passed  through  life  in  subordinate  sta 
tions,  and  though  the  ducal  house  which  after 
wards  furnished,  for  nearly  three  centuries,  a  line 
of  monarchs  for  Tuscany,  originated  in  their 
branch  of  the  family,  they  themselves  never  ac 
quired  any  political  rank.  They  continued  en 
gaged  in  extensive  mercantile  operations  through 
out  their  lives,  and  were  known  all  over  Europe 
by  their  large  commercial  transactions.  When 
Americus  wrote  to  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco  an 
account  of  his  second  voyage,  they  were  living  at 
Florence,  under  the  government  of  Piero  Soderini.  * 

*  Roscoe,  Life  of  Lorenzo  de  Medici,  vol.  i.  181 ;  vol.  ii.  p.  404, 405. 


132 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

FIRST  LETTER  OF  AMERICUS    TO    LORENZO    DI  PIER- 
FRANCESCO  DE'  MEDICI,  GIVING  AN  ACCOUNT 
OF  HIS  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

Most  Excellent  and  Dear  Lord : 

It  is  a  long  time  since  I  have  written  to  your 
Excellency,  and  for  no  other  reason  than  that 
nothing  has  occurred  to  me  worthy  of  being  com 
memorated.  This  present  letter  will  inform  you. 
that  about  a  month  ago,  I  arrived  from  the  In 
dies,  by  the  way  of  the  great  ocean,  brought,  by 
the  grace  of  God,  safely  to  this  city  of  Seville. 
I  think  your  Excellency  will  be  gratified  to  learn 
the  result  of  my  voyage,  and  the  most  surprising 
things  which  have  been  presented  to  my  observa 
tion.  If  I  am  somewhat  tedious,  let  my  letter  be 
read  in  your  more  idle  hours,  as  fruit  is  eaten  after 
the  cloth  is  removed  from  the  table.  Your  Excel 
lency  will  please  to  note,  that,  commissioned  by 
his  highness  the  King  of  Spain,  I  set  out  with  two 
small  ships,  on  the  18th  of  May,  1499,  on  a  voy 
age  of  discovery  to  the  southwest,  by  way  of  the 
great  ocean,  and  steered  my  course  along  the 
coast  of  Africa,  until  I  reached  the  Fortunate  Isl 
ands,  which  are  now  called  the  Canaries.  After 
having  provided  ourselves  with  all  things  neces 
sary,  first  offering  our  prayers  to  God.  we  set  sail 
from  an  island  which  is  called  Gomera,  and  turn 
ing  our  prows  southwardly,  sailed  twenty-four 
days  with  a  fresh  wind,  without  seeing  any  land. 

At  the  end  of  these  twenty-four  days  we  came 
within  sight  of  land,  and  found  that  we  had  sailed 
about  thirteen  hundred  leagues,  and  were  at  that 
133 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

distance  from  the  city  of  Cadiz,  in  a  southwesterly 
direction.  When  we  saw  the  land  we  gave  thanks 
to  God,  and  then  launched  our  boats,  and,  with 
sixteen  men,  went  to  the  shore,  which  we  found 
thickly  covered  with  trees,  astonishing  both  on 
account  of  their  size  and  their  verdure,  for  they 
never  lose  their  foliage.  The  sweet  odour  which 
they  exhaled  (for  they  are  all  aromatic)  highly 
delighted  us,  and  we  were  rejoiced  in  regaling  our 
nostrils. 

We  rowed  along  the  shore  in  the  boats,  to  see 
if  we  could  find  any  suitable  place  for  landing,  but 
after  toiling  from  morning  till  night,  we  found  no 
way  or  passage  which  we  could  enter  and  disem 
bark.  We  were  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the 
lowness  of  the  land,  and  by  its  being  so  densely 
covered  with  trees.  We  concluded,  therefore,  to 
return  to  the  ships,  and  make  an  attempt  to  land 
in  some  other  spot. 

WTe  observed  one  remarkable  circumstance  in 
these  seas.  It  was,  that  at  fifteen  leagues  from 
the  land,  we  found  the  water  fresh  like  that  of  a 
river— and  we  filled  all  our  empty  casks  with  it. 
Having  returned  to  our  ships,  we  raised  anchor 
and  set  sail— turning  our  prows  southwardly,  as 
it  was  my  intention  to  see  whether  I  could  sail 
round  a  point  of  land,  which  Ptolomey  calls  the 
Cape  of  Cattegara  (which  is  near  the  Great 
Bay.)  *  In  my  opinion  it  was  not  far  from  it,  ac 
cording  to  the  degrees  of  latitude  and  longitude, 
which  will  be  stated  hereafter.  Sailing  in  a  south 
erly  direction  along  the  coast,  we  saw  two  large 
rivers  issuing  from  the  land — one  running  from 
west  to  east,  and  being  four  leagues  in  width, 
which  is  sixteen  miles,— the  other  ran  from  south 
to  north,  and  was  three  leagues  wide.  I  think 
*  See  the  Dissertazlone  GustiQcatlva,  Nos.  85, 86. 
134 


AMEEICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

that  these  two  rivers,  by  reason  of  their  magni 
tude,  caused  the  freshness  of  the  water  in  the  ad 
joining  sea.  Seeing  that  the  coast  was  invariably 
low,  we  determined  to  enter  one  of  these  rivers 
with  the  boats,  and  ascend  it  till  we  either  found 
a  suitable  landing-place  or  an  inhabited  village. 

Having  prepared  our  boats,  and  put  in  pro 
vision  for  four  days,  with  twenty  men  well  armed, 
we  entered  the  river,  and  rowed  nearly  two  days, 
making  a  distance  of  about  eighteen  leagues.  We 
attempted  to  land  in  many  places  by  the  way, 
but  found  the  low  land  still  continuing,  and  so 
thickly  covered  with  trees,  that  a  bird  could 
scarcely  fly  through  them.  While  thus  navigating 
the  river,  we  saw  very  certain  indications  that 
the  inland  parts  of  the  country  were  inhabited ; 
nevertheless,  as  our  vessels  remained  in  a  danger 
ous  place,  in  case  an  adverse  wind  should  arise, 
we  concluded,  at  the  end  of  two  days,  to  return. 

Here  we  saw  an  immense  number  of  birds,  of 
various  forms  and  colours;  a  great  number  of 
parrots,  and  so  many  varieties  of  them,  that  it 
caused  us  great  astonishment.  Some  were  crim 
son-coloured,  others  of  variegated  green  and  lem 
on,  others  entirely  green,  and  others,  again,  that 
were  black  and  flesh-coloured.  Oh  I  the  song  of 
other  species  of  birds,  also,  was  so  sweet  and  so 
melodious,  as  we  heard  it  among  the  trees,  that 
we  often  lingered,  listening  to  their  charming 
music.  The  trees,  too,  were  so  beautiful,  and 
smelt  so  sweetly,  that  we  almost  imagined  our 
selves  in  a  terrestrial  paradise;  yet  not  one  of 
those  trees,  or  the  fruit  of  them,  were  similar  to 
the  trees  or  fruit  in  our  part  of  the  world.  On 
our  way  back  we  saw  many  people,  of  various 
descriptions,  fishing  in  the  river. 

Having  arrived  at  our  ships,  we  raised  anchor 
135 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

and  set  sail,  still  continuing  in  a  southerly  direc 
tion,  and  standing  off  to  sea  about  forty  leagues. 
While  sailing  on  this  course,  we  encountered  a 
current,  which  ran  from  southeast  to  northwest; 
so  great  was  it,  and  ran  so  furiously,  that  we 
were  put  into  great  fear,  and  were  exposed  to 
great  peril.  The  current  was  so  strong,  that  the 
Strait  of  Gibraltar  and  that  of  the  Faro  of  Mes 
sina  appeared  to  us  like  mere  stagnant  water  in 
comparison  with  it.  We  could  scarcely  make  any 
headway  against  it,  though  we  had  the  wind 
fresh  and  fair.  Seeing  that  we  made  no  progress, 
or  but  very  little,  and  the  danger  to  which  we 
were  exposed,  we  determined  to  turn  our  prows 
to  the  northwest. 

As  I  know,  if  I  remember  right,  that  your  Ex 
cellency  understands  something  of  cosmography. 
I  intend  to  describe  to  you  our  progress,  in  our 
navigation,  by  the  latitude  and  longitude.  We 
sailed  so  far  to  the  south,  that  we  entered  the 
Torrid  Zone,  and  penetrated  the  Circle  of  Cancer. 
You  may  rest  assured,  that  for  a  few  days,  while 
sailing  through  the  Torrid  Zone,  we  saw  four 
shadows  of  the  sun,  as  the  sun  appeared  in  the 
zenith  to  us  at  mid-day.  I  would  say  that  the 
sun,  being  in  our  meridian,  gave  us  no  shadow, 
and  this  I  was  enabled  many  times  to  demon 
strate  to  all  the  company,  and  took  their  testi 
mony  of  this  fact.  This  I  did  on  account  of  the 
ignorance  of  the  common  people,  who  do  not  know 
that  the  sun  moves  through  its  circle  of  the  zo 
diac.  At  one  time  I  saw  our  shadow  to  the  south. 
at  another  to  the  north,  at  another  to  the  west, 
and  at  another  to  the  east,  and  sometimes,  for 
an  hour  or  two  of  the  day,  we  had  no  shadow  at 
all. 

We  sailed  so  far  south  in  the  Torrid  Zone,  that 
136 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

we  found  ourselves  under  the  equinoctial  line,  and 
had  both  poles  at  the  edge  of  the  horizon.  Hav 
ing  passed  the  line,  and  sailed  six  degrees  to  the 
south  of  it,  we  lost  sight  of  the  north  star  alto 
gether,  and  even  the  stars  of  Ursa  Minor,  or,  to 
speak  better,  the  guardians  which  revolve  about 
the  firmament,  were  scarcely  seen.  Very  desirous 
of  being  the  author  who  should  designate  the 
other  polar  star  of  the  firmament.  I  lost,  many 
a  time,  my  night's  sleep,  while  contemplating  the 
movement  of  the  stars  around  the  Southern  Pole, 
in  order  to  ascertain  which  had  the  least  motion, 
and  which  might  be  nearest  to  the  firmament,  but 
I  was  not  able  to  accomplish  it  with  such  bad 
nights  as  I  had,  and  such  instruments  as  I  used, 
which  were  the  quadrant  and  astrolabe.  I  could 
not  distinguish  a  star  which  had  less  than  ten  de 
grees  of  motion  around  the  firmament ;  so  that  I 
was  not  satisfied  within  myself,  to  name  any  par 
ticular  one  for  the  pole  of  the  meridian,  on  ac 
count  of  the  large  revolution  which  they  all  made 
around  the  firmament. 

While  I  was  arriving  at  this  conclusion  as  the 
result  of  my  investigations,  I  recollected  a  verse 
of  our  poet  Dante,  which  may  be  found  in  the 
first  chapter  of  his  "Purgatory,"  where  he  imag 
ines  he  is  leaving  this  hemisphere  to  repair  to  the 
other,  and  attempting  to  describe  the  Antarctic 
pole,  says : 

"  lo  mi  volsi  a  man  destra  e  posi  mente 
All1  altro  polo,  e  vidi  quattro  stelle 

Non  vlste  mai,  fuor  che  alia  piima  gente : 

Goder  pareva  il  Ciel  di  lor  flammelle  : 
O  settentrional  vedovo  sito 
Poiche  private  sei  di  mirar  quelle."  * 

*  To  the  right  hand  I  turned,  and  flxed  my  mind 
On  the  other  pole  attentive,  where  I  saw 
Four  stars  ne'er  seen  before  save  by  the  ken 
137 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

It  appears  to  me  that  the  poet  wished  to  de 
scribe  in  these  verses,  by  the  four  stars,  the  pole  of 
the  other  firmament,  and  I  have  little  doubt,  even 
now,  that  what  he  says  may  be  true.  I  observed 
four  stars  in  the  figure  of  an  almond,  which  had 
but  little  motion,  and  if  God  gives  me  life  and 
health,  I  hope  to  go  again  into  that  hemisphere, 

Of  our  first  parents.    Heaven  of  their  rays 
Seemed  joyous.    Oh  thou  northern  site,  bereft 
Indeed,  and  widowed,  since  of  these  deprived. 

—Carey's  Dante,  Vision  of  Purgatory,  Can.  i. 

Venturi  observes  that  "  Dante  here  speaks  as  a  poet,  and  al 
most  in  the  spirit  of  prophecy ;  or  what  is  more  likely,  describes 
the  heavens  about  that  pole  according  to  his  own  invention.  In 
our  days,"  he  adds,  "  the  cross,  composed  of  four  stars,  three  of 
the  second  and  one  of  the  third  magnitude,  serves  as  a  guide  to 
those  who  sail  from  Europe  to  the  south,  but  in  the  age  of  Dante 
these  discoveries  had  not  been  made."  "  It  appears  probable," 
says  Carey,  in  a  note  to  this  passage,  "that  either  from  long 
tradition,  or  from  the  relation  of  later  voyagers,  the  real  truth 
might  not  have  been  unknown  to  our  poet.  S3neca's  predic 
tions  of  the  discovery  of  America  may  be  accounted  for  in  a 
similar  manner.  But  whatever  may  be  thought  of  this,  it  is 
certain  that  the  four  stars  are  here  symbolical  of  the  four  cardi 
nal  virtues,  Prudence,  Justice,  Fortitude,  and  Temperance.  M. 
Artaud  mentions  a  globe  constructed  by  an  Arabian  in  Egypt, 
with  the  date  of  the  year  622  of  the  Hegira,  corresponding  to 
1225  of  our  era,  in  which  the  Southern  Cross  is  positively  marked. 
See  his  Histoire  de  Dante,  chap.  xxxi.  and  xl.  8vo.  Par.  1841. 

The  prediction  of  Seneca  is  contained  in  the  well-known  lines 

from  Medea, 

Venient  annis 

Saecula  seris,  quibus  Oceanus 

Vinculis  rerum  laxet,  et  ingens 

Pateat  tellus,  Typhisque  novos 

Detegat  orbes,  nee  sit  terris 

Ultima  Thule. 

See  also  the  Illustrations  and  Documents— Eulogy  of  Americus. 
— Canovai  says,  in  a  note  at  this  passage,  that  Pigaf  etta  speaks 
as  follows  of  the  Antarctic  Pole:  "At  the  Antarctic  Pole  are 
seen  many  stars  congregated  together,  which  are  like  two  mists, 
separated  from  each  other,  and  a  little  obscure  in  the  middle. 
Between  these  are  two  not  very  large  or  very  bright,  and  which 
nave  little  motion,  and  these  two  are  the  Antarctic  Pole."— 
138 


AMERICTJS  VESPUCIUS. 

and  not  to  return  without  observing  the  pole. 
In  conclusion.  I  would  remark,  that  we  extended 
our  navigation  so  far  south,  that  our  difference  of 
latitude  from  the  city  of  Cadiz  was  sixty  degrees 
and  a  half,  because,  at  that  city,  the  pole  is  ele 
vated  thirty-five  degrees  and  a  half,  and  we  had 
passed  six  degrees  beyond  the  equinoctial  line.* 

Ramusio,  torn.  i.  p.  356.  A  Portuguese  navigator,  in  the  same 
collection,  says,  "As  we  arrived  at  the  golden  river,  we  began 
to  see  four  stars  of  admirable  size  and  lucidity,  placed  in  the 
form  of  a  cross,  which  are  thirty  degrees  distant  from  the 
Antarctic  Pole,  and  we  called  it  the  Cross,  and  raised  an  instru 
ment  to  one  of  these  four  stars,  which  is  the  foot  of  the  cross, 
and  as  it  is  found  there  in  the  south,  we  knew  its  centre  to  be 
the  Antarctic  Pole."— Ibid.  p.  117,  D.  Corsali  speaks  in  terms 
more  cogent  yet,  in  confirming  the  observations  and  application 

of  Americus.    "  In  which  place  is  the  pole two 

clouds  of  reasonable  size  evidently  manifest  it,  moving  around 
it  continually  in  a  circular  motion,  now  rising  and  now  descend 
ing,  with  one  star  always  in  the  middle,  which,  with  them,  re 
volves  about  eleven  degrees  distant  from  the  pole.  Above  these 
appears  a  marvellous  cross,  in  the  midst  of  five  stars  which  sur 
round  it with  other  stars  which  go  with  it  round 

the  pole,  revolving  about  thirty  degrees  distant,  and  it  makes 
its  revolution  in  twenty-four  hours,  and  is  so  beautiful,  that,  it 
appears  to  me,  no  other  heavenly  sign  can  be  compared  with  it 

I  think  this  may  be  the  cross  of  which  Dante  speaks 

with  prophetic  spirit."— Ib.  p.  177,  E.  And  finally  Giuntini,  in 
the  Comments  on  the  Sfera  del  Sacro  Bosco,  writes,  "Some 
Portuguese  mariners,  while  seeking  the  noble  emporium  of  In 
dia,  now  called  Calcutta,  sailing  round  the  whole  Atlantic  Ocean, 
saw  the  other  pole,  meanwhile,  elevated  above  fifty  degrees,  at 
the  same  time  that  our  pole  was  depressed  below  the  horizon." 
—In.  C.  I.  Sphera  de  Sacro  Bosco.  Canovai,  torn.  i.  p.  103, 
note. 

*  The  following  is  the  calculation  of  Americus  more  plainly 


From  the  Pole  to  the  Equator  is      90° 

From  the  Equator  to  fcfc  position  at  the  time 6° 


Total 96° 

Deduct  the  Latitude  of  Cadiz 35 


Difference  of  Latitude 60 

See  Conowti,  torn.  ii.  p.  105. 
139 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Let  this  suffice  as  to  our  latitude.  You  must  ob 
serve  that  this  our  navigation  was  in  the  months 
of  July,  August,  and  September,  when,  as  you 
know,  the  sun  is  longest  above  the  horizon  in  our 
hemisphere,  and  describes  the  greatest  arch  in 
the  day,  and  the  least  in  the  night.  On  the  con 
trary,  while  we  were  at  the  equinoctial  line,  or 
near  it,  within  four  to  six  degrees,  the  difference 
between  the  day  and  night  was  not  perceptible. 
They  were  of  equal  length,  or  very  nearly  so. 

As  to  the  longitude,  I  would  say  that  I  found  so 
much  difficulty  in  discovering  it,  that  I  had  to  la 
bour  very  hard  to  ascertain  the  distance  I  had 
made  by  means  of  longitude.  I  found  nothing 
better,  at  last,  than  to  watch  the  opposition  of 
the  planets  during  the  night,  and  especially  that 
of  the  moon,  with  the  other  planets,  because  the 
moon  is  swifter  in  her  course  than  any  other  of 
the  heavenly  bodies.  I  compared  my  observations 
with  the  almanac  of  Giovanni  da  Monteregio, 
which  was  composed  for  the  meridian  of  the  city 
of  Ferrara,  verifying  them  with  the  calculations 
in  the  tables  of  King  Alphonso,  and,  afterwards, 
with  the  many  observations  I  had  myself  made 
one  night  with  another. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  August,  1499  (when  the 
moon  was  in  conjunction  with  Mars,  which,  ac 
cording  to  the  almanac,  was  to  take  place  at 
midnight,  or  half  an  hour  after) ,  I  found  that 
when  the  moon  rose  to  the  horizon  an  hour  and  a 
half  after  the  sun  had  set,  the  planet  had  passed 
in  that  part  of  the  east.  I  observed  that  the 
moon  was  about  a  degree  and  some  minutes 
farther  east  than  Mars,  and  at  midnight  she 
was  five  degrees  and  a  half  farther  east,  a  little 
more  or  less.  So  that,  making  the  proportion  :  if 
twenty-four  hours  are  equal  to  360  degrees,  what 
140 


AMERICUS  VE3PUCIUS. 

are  five  hours  and  a  half  equal  to?  I  found  the 
result  to  be  eighty-two  degrees  and  a  half,  which 
was  equal  to  my  longitude  from  the  meridian  of 
the  city  of  Cadiz;  then  giving  to  every  degree 
sixteen  leagues  and  two  thirds.  I  found  myself 
distant  west  from  the  city  of  Cadiz  thirteen  hun 
dred  and  sixty-six  leagues  and  two  thirds,  which 
is  five  thousand  four  hundred  and  sixty-six  miles 
and  two  thirds.  The  reason  why  I  give  sixteen 
leagues  to  each  degree  is,  because,  according  to 
Tolomeo  and  Alfagrano.  the  earth  turns  twenty- 
four  thousand  miles,  which  is  equal  to  six  thou 
sand  leagues,  which,  being  divided  by  360  degrees, 
gives  to  each  degree  sixteen  leagues  and  two 
thirds.  This  calculation  I  certified  many  times 
conjointly  with  the  pilots,  and  found  it  true  and 
good.* 

It  appears  to  me,  most  excellent  Lorenzo,  that 
by  this  voyage  most  of  those  philosophers  are 
controverted,  who  say  that  the  Torrid  Zone  can 
not  be  inhabited  on  account  of  the  great  heat. 
I  have  found  the  case  to  be  quite  the  contrary. 
I  have  found  that  the  air  is  fresher  and  more  tem 
perate  in  that  region  than  beyond  it,  and  that 
the  inhabitants  are  also  more  numerous  here  than 
they  are  in  the  other  zones,  for  reasons  which  will 
be  given  below.  Thus  it  is  certain,  that  practice  is 
of  more  value  than  theory. 

Thus  far  I  have  related  the  navigation  I  ac 
complished  in  the  South  and  West.  It  now  re 
mains  for  me  to  inform  you  of  the  appearance  of 
the  country  we  discovered,  the  nature  of  the  in 
habitants,  and  their  customs,  the  animals  we  saw, 

*  Sacrobosco  calculates  the  circumference  of  the  earth  at 
31,500  miles,  Baliani  at  30,000,  and  modern  astronomers,  at 
21,600  at  the  equator,  and  21,533  at  the  poles.  It  will  be  observed 
that  Americus  approximated  more  closely  to  the  modem  esti 
mate  than  either.— Canovai,  torn.  i.  p.  105,  note. 
141 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

and  of  many  other  things  worthy  of  remembrance, 
which  fell  under  my  observation.  After  we  turned 
our  course  to  the  north,  the  first  land  we  found  to 
be  inhabited  was  an  island,  at  ten  degrees  distant 
from  the  equinoctial  line.  When  we  arrived  at  it, 
we  saw  on  the  seashore  a  great  many  people  who 
stood  looking  at  us  with  astonishment.  We  an 
chored  within  about  a  mile  of  land,  fitted  out  the 
boats,  and  twenty-two  men,  well  armed,  made  for 
land.  The  people,  when  they  saw  us  landing,  and 
perceived  that  we  were  different  from  themselves 
(because  they  have  no  beard  and  wear  no  clothing 
of  any  description,  being  also  of  a  different  colour, 
they  being  brown  and  we  white),  began  to  be 
afraid  of  us,  and  all  ran  into  the  woods.  With 
great  exertion,  by  means  of  signs,  we  reassured 
them,  and  negotiated  with  them.  We  found  that 
they  were  of  a  race  called  cannibals,  the  greater 
part,  or  all  of  whom,  live  on  human  flesh. 

Your  Excellency  may  rest  assured  of  this  fact. 
They  do  not  eat  one  another,  but  navigating  with 
certain  barks  which  they  call  canoes,  they  bring 
their  prey  from  the  neighbouring  islands  or  coun 
tries  inhabited  by  those  who  are  enemies,  or  of  a 
different  tribe  from  their  own.  They  never  eat 
any  women,  unless  they  consider  them  outcasts. 
These  things  we  verified  in  many  places  where  we 
found  similar  people.  We  often  saw  the  bones  and 
heads  of  those  who  had  been  eaten,  and  they  who 
had  made  the  repast  admitted  the  fact,  and  said 
that  their  enemies  always  stood  in  much  greater 
fear  on  that  account. 

Still  they  are  a  people  of  gentle  disposition  and 
beautiful  stature.  They  go  entirely  naked,  and 
the  arms  which  they  carry  are  bows  and  arrows, 
and  shields.  They  are  a  people  of  great  activity 
and  much  courage.  They  are  very  excellent 
142 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

marksmen.  In  fine,  we  held  much  intercourse 
with  them,  and  they  took  us  to  one  of  their  vil 
lages  about  two  leagues  inland,  and  gave  us  our 
breakfast.  They  gave  whatever  was  asked  of 
them,  though  I  think  more  through  fear  than  af 
fection,  and  after  having  been  with  them  all  one 
day,  we  returned  to  the  ships,  still  remaining  on 
friendly  terms  with  them. 

We  sailed  along  the  coast  of  this  island,  and 
saw  by  the  seashore  another  large  village  of  the 
same  tribe.  We  landed  in  the  boats,  and  found 
they  were  waiting  for  us,  all  loaded  with  provi 
sions,  and  they  gave  us  enough  to  make  a  very 
good  breakfast,  according  to  their  ideas  of  dishes. 
Seeing  they  were  such  kind  people,  and  treated 
us  so  well,  we  dared  not  take  any  thing  from 
them,  and  made  sail  till  we  arrived  at  a  gulf 
which  is  called  the  Gulf  of  Paria.  We  anchored 
opposite  the  mouth  of  a  great  river,  which  causes 
the  water  of  this  gulf  to  be  fresh,  and  saw  a  large 
village  close  to  the  sea.  We  were  surprised  at  the 
great  number  of  people  who  were  seen  there.  They 
were  without  arms,  and  seemed  peaceably  dis 
posed.  We  went  ashore  with  the  boats,  and  they 
received  us  with  great  friendship,  and  took  us  to 
their  houses,  where  they  had  made  very  good 
preparations  for  breakfast.  Here  they  gave  us 
three  sorts  of  wine  to  drink,  not  of  the  juice  of 
the  grape,  but  made  of  fruits  like  beer,  and  they 
were  excellent.  Here  also  we  ate  many  fresh 
acorns,  a  most  royal  fruit.  They  gave  us  many 
other  fruits,  all  different  from  ours,  and  of  very 
good  flavour,  the  flavour  and  odour  of  all  being 
aromatic. 

They  gave  us  some  small  pearls,  and  eleven 
large  ones;  and  they  told  us  by  signs,  that  if 
we  would  wait  some  days,  they  would  go  and  fish 
143 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

for  them,  and  bring  us  many  of  them.  We  did 
not  wish  to  be  detained,  so  with  many  parrots  of 
various  colours,  and  in  good  friendship,  we  parted 
from  them.  From  these  people  we  learned  that 
those  of  the  before-mentioned  island  were  canni 
bals,  and  ate  human  flesh.  We  issued  from  this 
gulf  and  sailed  along  the  coast,  seeing  continually 
great  numbers  of  people,  and  when  we  were  so 
disposed,  we  treated  with  them,  and  they  gave  us 
every  thing  we  asked  of  them.  They  all  go  as 
naked  as  they  were  born,  without  being  ashamed. 
If  all  were  to  be  related  concerning  the  little 
shame  they  have,  it  would  be  bordering  on  im 
propriety,  therefore  it  is  better  to  suppress  it. 

After  having  sailed  about  four  hundred  leagues 
continually  along  the  coast,  we  concluded  that 
this  land  was  a  continent,  which  might  be  bounded 
by  the  eastern  parts  of  Asia,  this  being  the 
commencement  of  the  western  part  of  the  conti 
nent.  Because  it  happened  often  that  we  saw 
divers  animals,  such  as  lions,  stags,  goats,  wild 
hogs,  rabbits,  and  other  land  animals,  which  are 
not  found  in  islands,  but  only  on  the  mainland. 
Going  inland  one  day  with  twenty  men,  we  saw 
a  serpent  which  was  about  twenty-four  feet  in 
length,  and  as  large  in  girth  as  myself.  We  were 
very  much  afraid  of  it,  and  the  sight  of  it  caused 
us  to  return  immediately  to  the  sea.  I  oftentimes 
saw  many  ferocious  animals  and  large  serpents. 

Thus  sailing  along  the  coast,  we  discovered 
every  day  a  great  number  of  people,  speaking 
various  languages.  When  we  had  navigated  four 
hundred  leagues  along  the  coast,  we  began  to 
find  people  who  did  not  wish  for  our  friendship, 
but  stood  waiting  for  us  with  their  arms,  which 
were  bows  and  arrows,  and  with  some  other  arms 
which  they  use.  When  we  went  to  the  shore  in  our 
144 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS. 

boats,  they  disputed  our  landing  in  such  a  man 
ner  that  we  were  obliged  to  fight  with  them.  At 
the  end  of  the  battle  they  found  that  they  had 
the  worst  of  it,  for  as  they  were  naked,  we  always 
made  great  slaughter.  Many  times  not  more  than 
sixteen  of  us  fought  with  two  thousand  of  them, 
and  in  the  end  defeated  them,  killing  many,  and 
robbing  their  houses. 

One  day  we  saw  a  great  number  of  people,  all 
posted  in  battle  array  to  prevent  our  landing. 
We  fitted  out  twenty-six  men  well  armed,  and 
covered  the  boats,  on  account  of  the  arrows  which 
were  shot  at  us,  and  which  always  wounded  some 
of  us  before  we  landed.  After  they  had  hindered 
us  as  long  as  they  could,  we  leaped  on  shore,  and 
fought  a  hard  battle  with  them.  The  reason  why 
they  had  so  much  courage  and  made  such  great- 
exertion  against  us,  was,  that  they  did  not  know 
what  kind  of  a  weapon  the  sword  was,  or  how  it 
cuts.  While  thus  engaged  in  combat,  so  great 
was  the  multitude  of  people  who  charged  upon 
us,  throwing  at  us  such  a  cloud  of  arrows,  that 
we  could  not  withstand  the  assault,  and  nearly 
abandoning  the  hope  of  life,  we  turned  our  backs 
and  ran  to  the  boats.  While  thus  disheartened 
and  flying,  one  of  our  sailors,  a  Portuguese,  a 
man  of  fifty-five  years  of  age,  who  had  remained 
to  guard  the  boat,  seeing  the  danger  we  were  in. 
jumped  on  shore,  and  with  a  loud  voice  called  out 
to  us,  "  Children  1  turn  your  faces  to  your  enemies, 
and  God  will  give  you  the  victory  I"  Throwing 
himself  on  his  knees,  he  made  a  prayer,  and  then 
rushed  furiously  upon  the  Indians,  and  we  all 
joined  with  him,  wounded  as  we  were.  On  that 
they  turned  their  backs  to  us,  and  began  to  flee, 
and  finally  we  routed  them,  and  killed  a  hundred 
and  fifty.  We  burned  their  houses  also,  at  least 
10  145 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

one  hundred  and  eighty  in  number.  Then,  as  we 
were  badly  wounded  and  weary,  we  returned  to 
the  ships,  and  went  into  a  harbour  to  recruit, 
where  we  staid  twenty  days,  solely  that  the  physi 
cian  might  cure  us.  All  escaped  except  one,  who 
was  wounded  in  the  left  breast. 

After  being  cured,  we  recommenced  our  navi 
gation,  and,  through  the  same  cause,  we  often 
were  obliged  to  fight  with  a  great  many  people, 
and  always  had  the  victory  over  them.  Thus  con 
tinuing  our  voyage,  we  came  upon  an  island, 
fifteen  leagues  distant  from  the  mainland.  As  at 
our  arrival  we  saw  no  collection  of  people,  the 
island  appearing  favourably,  we  determined  to 
attempt  it,  and  eleven  of  us  landed.  We  found  a 
path,  in  which  we  walked  nearly  two  leagues  in 
land,  and  came  to  a  village  of  about  twelve 
houses,  in  which  there  were  only  seven  women, 
who  were  so  large,  that  there  was  not  one  among 
them  who  was  not  a  span  and  a  half  taller  than 
myself.  When  they  saw  us,  they  were  very  much 
frightened,  and  the  principal  one  among  them, 
who  was  certainly  a  discreet  woman,  led  us  by 
signs  into  a  house,  and  had  refreshments  prepared 
for  us. 

We  saw  such  large  women,  that  we  were  about 
determining  to  carry  off  two  young  ones,  about 
fifteen  years  of  age,  and  make  a  present  of  them 
to  this  king,  as  they  were,  without  doubt,  crea 
tures  whose  stature  was  above  that  of  common 
men.  While  we  were  debating  this  subject,  thirty- 
six  men  entered  the  house  where  we  were  drinking ; 
they  were  of  such  large  stature,  that  each  one  was 
taller  when  upon  his  knees  than  I  when  standing 
erect.  In  fact,  they  were  of  the  stature  of  giants 
in  their  size,  and  in  the  proportion  of  their  bodies, 
which  corresponded  well  with  their  height.  Each 
146 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

of  the  women  appeared  a  Pantastiea,  and  the  men 
Antei.  When  they  came  in,  some  of  our  own  num 
ber  were  BO  frightened  that  they  did  not  consider 
themselves  safe.  They  had  bows  and  arrows,  and 
very  large  clubs,  made  in  the  form  of  swords. 
Seeing  that  we  were  of  small  stature,  they  began 
to  converse  with  us,  in  order  to  learn  who  we 
were,  and  from  what  parts  we  came.  We  gave 
them  fair  words,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  and  an 
swered  them,  by  signs,  that  we  were  men  of  peace, 
and  that  we  were  going  to  see  the  world.  Fi 
nally,  we  held  it  to  be  our  wisest  course  to  part 
from  them  without  questioning  in  our  turn ;  so 
we  returned  by  the  same  path  in  which  we  had 
come— they  accompanying  us  quite  to  the  sea. 
till  we  went  on  board  the  ships. 

Nearly  half  the  trees  of  this  island  are  of  dye- 
wood,  as  good  as  that  of  the  East.  We  went  from 
this  island  to  another,  in  the  vicinity,  at  ten 
leagues  distance,  and  found  a  very  large  village— 
the  houses  of  which  were  built  over  the  sea,  like 
Venice,  with  much  ingenuity.  While  we  were 
struck  with  admiration  at  this  circumstance,  we 
determined  to  go  and  see  them;  and  as  we  went 
to  their  houses,  they  attempted  to  prevent  our 
entering.  They  found  out  at  last  the  manner  in 
which  the  sword  cuts,  and  thought  it  best  to  let 
us  enter.  We  found  their  houses  filled  with  the 
finest  cotton,  and  the  beams  of  their  dwellings 
were  made  of  dye-wood.  We  took  a  quantity  of 
their  cotton  and  some  dye-wood,  and  returned  to 
the  ships. 

Your  Excellency  must  know,  that  in  all  parts 
where  we  landed,  we  found  a  great  quantity  of 
cotton,  and  the  country  filled  with  cotton  trees. 
So  that  all  the  vessels  in  the  world  might  be 
loaded  in  these  parts  with  cotton  and  dye-wood. 
147 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 

At  length  we  sailed  three  hundred  leagues  farther 
along  the  coast,  constantly  finding  savage  but 
brave  people,  and  very  often  fighting  with  them,  and 
vanquishing  them.  We  found  seven  different  lan 
guages  among  them,  each  of  which  was  not  un 
derstood  by  those  who  spoke  the  others.  It  is 
said  there  are  not  more  than  seventy-seven  lan 
guages  in  the  world,  but  I  say  that  there  are 
more  than  a  thousand,  as  there  are  more  than 
forty  which  I  have  heard  myself. 

After  having  sailed  along  this  coast  seven  hun 
dred  leagues  or  more,  besides  visiting  numerous 
islands,  our  ships  became  greatly  sea-worn,  and 
leaked  badly,  so  that  we  could  hardly  keep  them 
free  with  two  pumps  going.  The  men  also  were 
much  fatigued,  and  the  provisions  growing  short. 
We  were  then,  according  to  the  decision  of  the  pi 
lots,  within  a  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  of  an 
island  called  Hispaniola,  discovered  by  the  Ad 
miral  Columbus  six  years  before.  We  determined 
to  proceed  to  it,  and  as  it  was  inhabited  by 
Christians,  to  repair  our  ships  there,  allow  the 
men  a  little  repose,  and  recruit  our  stock  of  pro 
visions  ;  because  from  this  island  to  Castile  there 
are  three  hundred  leagues  of  ocean,  without  any 
land  intervening. 

In  seven  days  we  arrived  at  this  island,  where 
we  staid  two  months.  Here  we  refitted  our  ships 
and  obtained  our  supply  of  provisions.  We  after 
wards  concluded  to  go  to  northern  parts,  where 
we  discovered  more  than  a  thousand  islands,  the 
greater  part  of  them  inhabited.  The  people  were 
without  clothing,  timid  and  ignorant,  and  we  did 
whatever  we  wished  to  do  with  them.  This  last 
portion  of  our  discoveries  was  very  dangerous  to 
our  navigation,  on  account  of  the  shoals  which 
we  found  thereabouts.  In  several  instances  we 
148 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

came  near  being  lost.  We  sailed  in  this  sea  two 
hundred  leagues  directly  north,  until  our  people 
had  become  worn  down  with  fatigue,  through  hav 
ing  been  already  nearly  a  year  at  sea.  Their  al 
lowance  was  only  six  ounces  of  bread  for  eating, 
and  but  three  small  measures  of  water  for  drink 
ing,  per  diem.  And  as  the  ships  became  dangerous 
to  navigate  with  much  longer,  they  remonstrated, 
saying  that  they  wished  to  return  to  their  homes 
in  Castile,  and  not  to  tempt  fortune  and  the  sea 
any  more.  Whereupon  we  concluded  to  take  some 
prisoners,  as  slaves,  and  loading  the  ships  with 
them,  to  return  at  once  to  Spain.  Going,  there 
fore,  to  certain  islands,  we  possessed  ourselves  by 
force  of  two  hundred  and  thirty-two,  and  steered 
our  course  for  Castile.  In  sixty-seven  days  we 
crossed  the  ocean,  and  arrived  at  the  islands  of 
the  Azores,  which  belong  to  the  King  of  Portu 
gal,  and  are  three  hundred  leagues  distant  from 
Cadiz.  Here,  having  taken  in  our  refreshments, 
we  sailed  for  Castile,  but  the  wind  was  contrary, 
and  we  were  obliged  to  go  to  the  Canary  Islands, 
from  there  to  the  island  of  Madeira,  and  thence 
to  Cadiz. 

We  were  absent  thirteen  months  on  this  voyage, 
exposing  ourselves  to  awful  dangers,  and  discov 
ering  a  very  large  country  of  Asia,  and  a  great 
many  islands,  the  largest  part  of  them  inhabited. 
According  to  the  calculations  I  have  several  times 
made  with  the  compass,  we  have  sailed  about  five 
thousand  leagues.  To  conclude— we  passed  the 
equinoctial  line  six  and  a  half  degrees  to  the  south, 
and  afterwards  turned  to  the  north,  which  we 
penetrated  so  far,  that  the  north  star  was  at  an 
elevation  of  thirty-five  degrees  and  a  half  above 
our  horizon.  To  the  west,  we  sailed  eighty-four 
distant  from  the  meridian  of  the  city  and 
149 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

port  of  Cadiz.  We  discovered  immense  regions, 
saw  a  vast  number  of  people,  all  naked,  and 
speaking  various  languages.  On  the  land  we  saw 
numerous  wild  animals,  various  kinds  of  birds, 
and  an  infinite  quantity  of  trees,  all  aromatic.  We 
brought  home  pearls  in  their  growing  state,  and 
gold  in  the  grain ;  we  brought  two  stones,  one  of 
emerald  colour  and  the  other  of  amethyst,  which 
was  very  hard,  and  at  least  half  a  span  long,  and 
three  fingers  thick.  The  sovereigns  esteem  them 
most  highly,  and  have  preserved  them  among 
their  jewels.  We  brought  also  a  piece  of  crystal, 
which  some  jewellers  eay  is  beryl,  and,  according 
to  what  the  Indians  told  us,  they  had  a  great 
quantity  of  the  same ;  we  brought  fourteen  flesh- 
coloured  pearls,  with  which  the  queen  was  highly 
delighted;  we  brought  many  other  stones  which 
appeared  beautiful  to  us,  but  of  all  these  we  did 
not  bring  a  large  quantity,  as  we  were  continually 
busied  in  our  navigation,  and  did  not  tarry  long 
in  any  place. 

When  we  arrived  at  Cadiz,  we  sold  many  slaves, 
finding  two  hundred  remaining  to  us,  the  others, 
completing  the  number  of  two  hundred  and  thirty- 
two,  having  died  at  sea.  After  deducting  the  ex 
pense  of  transportation,  we  gained  only  about 
five  hundred  ducats,  which,  having  to  be  divided 
into  fifty-five  parts,  made  the  share  of  each  very 
small.  However,  we  contented  ourselves  with  life, 
and  rendered  thanks  to  God,  that  during  the 
whole  voyage,  out  of  fifty-seven  Christian  men, 
which  was  our  number,  only  two  had  died,  they 
having  been  killed  by  the  Indians. 

I  have  had  two  quartan  agues  since  my  return, 

but  I  hope,  by  the  favour  of  God,   to   be  well 

soon,  as  they  do  not  continue  long  now,  and  are 

without  chills.    I  have  passed  over  many  things 

150 


AMERICDS  VESPUCIUS. 

worthy  of  being  remembered,  in  order  not  to  be 
more  tedious  than  I  can  help,  all  which  are  re 
served  for  the  pen  and  in  the  memory. 

They  are  fitting  out  three  ships  for  me  here, 
that  I  may  go  on  a  new  voyage  of  discovery; 
and  I  think  they  will  be  ready  by  the  middle  of 
September.  May  it  please  our  Lord  to  give  me 
health  and  a  good  voyage,  as  I  hope  again  to 
bring  very  great  news  and  discover  the  island 
of  Trapobana,  which  is  between  the  Indian  Ocean 
and  the  Sea  of  Ganges.  Afterwards  I  intend  to 
return  to  my  country,  and  seek  repose  in  the  days 
of  my  old  age. 

I  shall  not  enlarge  any  more  at  present,  though 
many  things  have  been  omitted,  in  part  from 
their  not  being  remembered  at  all,  and  in  part 
that  I  might  not  be  more  prolix  than  I  have 
been. 

I  have  resolved,  most  excellent  Lorenzo,  that  as 
I  have  thus  given  you  an  account  by  letter  of 
what  has  occurred  to  me,  to  send  you  two  plans 
and  descriptions  of  the  world,  made  and  arranged 
by  my  own  hand  and  skill.  There  will  be  a  map 
on  a  plane  surface,  and  the  other  a  view  of  the 
world  in  spherical  form,  which  I  intend  to  send  you 
by  sea,  in  the  care  of  one  Francesco  Lotti,  a 
Florentine,  who  is  here.  I  think  you  will  be 
pleased  with  them,  particularly  with  the  globe,  as 
I  made  one  not  long  since  for  these  sovereigns, 
and  they  esteem  it  highly.  I  could  have  wished 
to  have  come  with  them  personally,  but  my  new 
departure,  for  making  other  discoveries,  will  not 
allow  me  that  pleasure.  There  are  not  wanting 
in  your  city  persons  who  understand  the  figure 
of  the  world,  and  ^ho  may,  perhaps,  correct 
something  in  it.  Nevertheless,  whatever  may  be 
pointed  out  for  me  to  correct,  let  them  wait  till 
151 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

I  come,   as  it  may  be  that  I  shall  defend  my 
self  and  prove  my  accuracy. 

I  suppose  your  Excellency  has  learned  the  news 
brought  by  the  fleet  which  the  King  of  Portugal 
sent  two  years  ago  to  make  discoveries  on  the 
coast  of  Guinea.  I  do  not  call  such  a  voyage  as 
that  a  voyage  of  discovery,  but  only  a  visit  to 
discovered  lands;  because,  as  you  will  see  by  the 
map,  their  navigation  was  continually  within  sight 
of  land,  and  they  sailed  round  the  whole  southern 
part  of  the  continent  of  Africa,  which  is  proceeding 
by  a  way  spoken  of  by  all  cosmographical  au 
thors.  It  is  true  that  the  navigation  has  been 
very  profitable,  which  is  a  matter  of  great  con 
sideration  here  in  this  kingdom,  where  inordinate 
covetousness  reigns.  I  understand  that  they 
passed  from  the  Red  Sea,  and  extended  their  voy 
age  into  the  Persian  Gulf,  to  a  city  called  Cali 
cut,  which  is  situated  between  the  Persian  Gulf 
and  the  river  Indus.  More  lately  the  King  of 
Portugal  has  received  from  sea  twelve  ships  very 
richly  laden,  and  he  has  sent  them  again  to  those 
parts,  where  they  will  certainly  do  a  profitable 
business  if  they  arrive  safely. 

May  our  Lord  preserve  and  increase  the  exalted 
state  of  your  noble  Excellency  as  I  desire.  July 
18th,  1500. 

Your  Excellency's  humble  servant, 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Respecting  the  above  letter  to  De  Medici,  an 
intelligent  Italian  critic  remarks,  that  "it  is  the 
most  ancient  known  writing  of  Americus.  relating 
to  his  voyages  to  the  New  World,  having  been 
composed  within  a  month  after  his  return  from 
his  second  voyage,  and  remaining  buried  in  our 
archives  for  a  long  time."  It  is  a  precious  monu- 
152 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

ment,  for  without  it  we  should  have  been  left  in 
ignorance  of  the  great  additions  which  he  made 
to  astronomical  science.  The  most  rigorous  ex 
amination  of  this  letter  cannot  bring  to  light  the 
least  circumstance  proving  any  thing  for  or 
against  the  accuracy  of  his  first  voyage.  The  in 
difference  with  which  he  commences  the  matter  is. 
however,  a  strong  indication  that  he  had  pre 
viously  written  an  account  of  his  first  voyage  to 
the  same  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  to  whom  he  ad 
dressed  this  communication.* 

*  Bartolozzi,  Ricerche  Historico-Criticlie  circa  alle  Scoperte 
D1  Amerigo  Vespucci,  p.  62,  63. 


153 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER  X. 


LETTEB  OF  AXERICTS  TO  PIERO 
SODDUNI,  GIVING  AN  ACCOUNT  OP  HIS 
SECOND  VOYAGE. 

The  Second  Voyage,  and  what  I  saw  in  it  most 
worthy  of  being  remembered,  here  follow.  We  eet 
ont  from  the  port  of  Cadiz,  three  ships  in  com 
pany.  on  the  18th  of  May.  1499.  and  steered  our 
course  directly  to  the  Cape  Verd  Islands,  passing 
within  sight  of  the  Grand  Canary.  We  soon  ar 
rived  at  an  island  which  is  called  Del  Fnego  or 
Fire  Island  and  having  taken  in  wood  and  water. 
we  proceeded  on  our  voyage  to  the  southwest. 
In  forty-four  days  we  arrived  at  a  new  land,  which 
we  judged  to  be  a  continent,  and  a  continuation 
of  that  mentioned  in  my  former  voyage.  *  It  was 
situated  within  the  torrid  zone,  south  of  the  equi 
noctial  line,  where  the  south  pole  is  elevated  five 
degrees,  and  distant  from  said  island  bearing 
south.  about  five  hundred  ieagues.f  Here  we 
found  the  days  and  nights  equal  on  the  27th  of 
June,  when  the  sun  is  near  the  tropic  of  Cancer. 

We  did  not  see  any  people  here,  and  having  an 
chored  our  ships  and  cast  off  our  boats,  we  pro- 

*  He  was  twenty  days  in  making  the  Canaries,  and  rwenty- 
fonr  more  in  crossing  the  AUantk-.    Some  editions  make  the 
reading  of  this  passage,  "opposite  to  that  mentioned  in  my 
former  voyage."    The  mistake  originated  in  a  misprint  of  the 
Latin  edition,  the  word  "ecntraria"  being  substituted  for  "oon- 
tinoa."—  Can^  torn.  L  p.  132. 

*  The  work  of  Bandini  contains  a  seriea  of  singular  errors  in 

to  this  letter.    The  figure  5,  wherever  it  occurs,  is 
in  many  instances  manifestly  at  variance 

154 


AMERICTS  VESPUCTTS. 

ceeded  to  the  land,  which  we  found  to  be  inun 
dated  by  very  large  rivers,  We  came  to  narher. 
and  having  got  out  the  boats  attempted  to 
these  at  many  points  but 
quantity  of  water  brought  down  by  1 
find  no  place,  after  hard 
overflowed.  We  saw  many  signs  of  the 

it.  we  concluded  to  return  to  the  ships,  and 

the  attempt  on  some  udhw  part  of 

We  raised  our  anchors  accordingly,  and 
along  southeast  by  east,  continually  coasting 
land,  which  ran  in  that  direction.  We 
to  enter  at  many  points  within  the  spi 
leagues,  but  all  our  labour  was  labour  lost.  We 
found  the  currents  so  siiuaft  on  this  coart  that 
they  absolutely  obstructed  our  sailing,  and  they 
all  ran  from  the  southeast  to  the  northwest.  See 
ing  our  navigation  was  attended  with  so  many 
inconveniences,  we  concluded  to  turn  our  cone 
to  the  northwest.  Having  sailed  some  time  in 
this  direction,  we  arrived  at  a  very  beaaUul  har 
bour,  which  was  made  by  a  large  island  at  the 
entrance,  inside  of  which  was  a  very  large  bay.* 

While  sailing  along  parallel  with  the  i 
a  view  of  entering  the  harbour, 
people  on  the  shore,  and.  being  mi 
manoeuvred  our  ships  for  the  purpose  of  an 
choring  and  landing  where  they  appeared.  We 
might  have  been  then  about  four  leagues  at  sea. 
While  proceeding  on  our  course  for  this 
we  saw  a  canoe  quite  out  at  sea,  in  which 
were  several  people,  and 
in  order  to  come  up  with 
them,  steering  so  as  not  to  run 
that  they  stood  with  their  oars  raised.  I 


- .- :^ 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

either  through  astonishment  at  beholding  our 
ships,  or  by  way  of  giving  us  to  understand  that 
they  meant  to  wait  for  us  and  resist  us;  but  as 
they  perceived  us  approaching,  they  dropped  their 
oars  into  the  water,  and  began  to  row  towards  the 
land.  Having  in  our  company  a  small  vessel  of 
forty-five  tons,  a  very  fast  sailer,  she  took  a  fa 
vourable  wind,  and  bore  down  for  the  canoe. 
Coming  close  p  with  it,  they  bore  sway  and 
came  round,  and  we  followed  in  her  wake.  In  or 
der  that  the  schooner  might  appear  as  if  she  did 
not  wish  to  board  the  canoe,  she  passed  it,  and 
then  hove  up  in  the  wind.  Seeing  that  by  this 
manoBuvre  they  had  the  advantage,  they  plied 
their  oars  with  main  strength,  in  order  to  escape ; 
but  having  our  boats  at  the  stern  filled  with  good 
men,  we  thought  they  would  take  them,  which 
they  laboured  hard  to  do  for  more  than  two 
hours,  without  success.  If  the  schooner  had  not 
borne  down  upon  them  once  more,  we  should  have 
lost  them.  When  they  found  themselves  embar 
rassed  between  the  schooner  and  the  boats,  they 
all  jumped  into  the  sea,  being  about  twenty  men,  * 
and  at  the  distance  of  two  leagues  from  the  shore. 
We  followed  them  the  whole  day  with  our  boats, 
and  could  only  take  two,  which  was  an  extra 
ordinary  feat;  all  the  rest  escaped  to  the  shore. 
Four  boys  remained  in  the  canoe,  who  were  not 
of  their  tribe,  but  had  been  taken  prisoners  by 
them,  and  brought  from  another  country.  We 
were  much  surprised  at  the  gross  injuries  they  had 
inflicted  upon  these  boys,  and  having  been  taken 

*  Bandini  gives  the  number  of  men  in  this  canoe  as  seventy. 
A  canoe  must  have  been  tolerably  large  to  have  held  even 
twenty  men,  although  larger  ones  have  been  met  with,  made, 
like  this,  out  of  the  trunk  of  a  tree.  Ferdinand  Columbus  speaks 
of  some  holding  as  many  as  fifty  men.— Canovai,  torn.  i.  p.  136, 
note. 

156 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

on  board  the  ships,  they  told  us  they  had  been 
captured  in  order  to  be  eaten.  Accordingly  we 
knew  that  those  people  were  cannibals,  who  eat 
human  flesh. 

We  proceeded  with  the  ships,  taking  the  canoe 
with  us  at  the  stern,  and  following  the  course 
which  they  pursued,  anchored  at  half  a  league 
from  the  shore.  As  we  saw  many  people  on  the 
shore,  we  landed  in  the  boats,  carrying  with  us 
the  two  men  we  had  taken.  When  we  reached 
the  beach,  all  the  people  fled  into  the  woods,  and 
we  sent  one  of  the  two  men  to  negotiate  with 
them,  giving  them  several  trifles,  as  tokens  of 
friendship,  such  as  little  bells,  buttons,  and  look 
ing-glasses,  and  telling  them  that  we  wished  to  be 
their  friends.  He  brought  the  people  all  back 
with  him,  of  whom  there  were  about  four  hundred 
men,  and  many  women,  who  came  unarmed  to  the 
place  where  we  laid  with  the  boats.  Having  es 
tablished  friendship  with  them,  we  surrendered 
the  other  prisoner,  and  sent  to  the  ships  for  the 
canoe,  which  we  restored.  This  canoe  was  twenty- 
six  yards  long  and  six  feet  wide,  made  out  of  a 
single  tree,  and  very  well  wrought.  When  they 
had  carried  it  into  a  river  near  by,  and  put  it 
in  a  secure  place,  they  all  fled,  and  would  have 
nothing  more  to  do  with  us,  which  appeared  to 
us  a  very  barbarous  act.  and  we  judged  them  to 
be  a  faithless  and  evil-disposed  people.  We  saw 
among  them  a  little  gold,  which  they  wore  in 
their  ears. 

Leaving  this  place,  we  sailed  about  eighty 
leagues  along  the  coast,  and  entered  a  bay,  where 
we  found  a  surprising  number  of  people,  with 
whom  we  formed  a  friendship.  Many  of  us  went  to 
their  villages,  in  great  safety,  and  were  received 
with  much  courtesy  and  confidence.  In  this  place 
157 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

we  procured  a  hundred  and  fifty  pearls  (as  they 
sold  them  to  us  for  a  trifle),  and  some  little 
gold,  which  they  gave  us  gratuitously.*  We  no 
ticed  that  in  this  country  they  drank  wine  made 
of  their  fruits  and  seeds,  which  looked  like  beer, 
both  white  and  red ;  the  best  was  made  of  acorns, 
and  was  very  good.  We  ate  a  great  many  of 
these  acorns,  as  it  was  the  season  of  them.  They 
are  a  very  good  fruit,  savoury  to  the  taste,  and 
healthful  to  the  body.  The  country  abounded 
with  the  means  of  nourishment,  and  the  people 
were  well  disposed,  being  the  most  pacific  of  any 
we  had  seen. 

We  remained  in  this  port  seventeen  days  with 
great  pleasure,  and  every  day  some  new  tribe  of 
people  came  to  see  us  from  inland  parts  of  the 
country,  who  were  greatly  surprised  at  our  fig 
ures,  at  the  whiteness  of  our  skins,  at  our  clothes, 
our  arms,  and  the  form  and  size  of  our  ships. 
We  were  informed  by  these  people  of  the  exist 
ence  of  another  tribe  still  farther  west,  who  were 
their  enemies,  and  that  they  had  a  great  quantity 
of  pearls.  They  said  that  those  which  we  dis 
covered  in  their  possession  were  some  they  had 
taken  from  this  other  tribe  in  war.  They  told 
us  how  they  fished  for  pearls,  and  in  what  man 
ner  they  grew,  and  we  found  that  they  told  us 
the  truth,  as  your  Excellency  shall  hear. 

We  left  this  harbour,  and  sailed  along  the  coast, 
on  which  we  continually  saw  smoke,  and  many 
people  on  the  shore,  as  we  passed.  After  many 
days  we  entered  a  harbour,  for  the  purpose  of  re 
pairing  one  of  our  ships,  as  she  leaked  badly. 
Here  we  found  many  people,  with  whom,  neither 
by  force  nor  entreaty,  could  we  have  any  inter- 

*The  edition  of  Gruniger  says,  "five  hundred  pearls/'— 
Navarrele,  torn.  iii.  p.  250. 

158 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

course.  When  we  went  ashore,  they  fiercely  dis 
puted  our  landing,  and  after  they  found  it  im 
possible  to  resist  us  any  longer,  fled  to  the  woods. 
Having  discovered  them  to  be  so  barbarous,  we 
sailed  away  from  the  place,  and  finding  an  island 
about  fifteen  leagues  distant  from  the  coast,  re 
solved  to  see  whether  it  was  inhabited.  We  found 
on  this  island  the  most  bestial  and  filthy  people 
that  were  ever  seen,  but,  at  the  same  time,  ex 
tremely  pacific,  so  that  I  am  able  to  describe 
their  habits  and  customs.  Their  manners  and 
their  faces  were  filthy,  and  they  all  had  their 
cheeks  stuffed  full  of  a  green  herb,  which  they  were 
continually  chewing,  as  beasts  chew  the  cud,  so 
that  they  were  scarcely  able  to  speak.  Each  one  of 
them  wore,  hanging  at  the  neck,  two  dried  gourd- 
shells,  one  of  which  was  filled  with  the  same  kind 
of  herb  they  had  in  their  mouths,  and  the  other 
with  a  white  meal,  which  appeared  to  be  chalk- 
dust.  They  also  carried  with  them  a  small  stick, 
which  they  wetted  in  their  mouths  from  time  to 
time,  and  then  put  into  the  meal,  afterwards  put 
ting  it  into  the  herb,  with  which  both  cheeks  were 
filled,  and  mixing  the  meal  with  it.*  We  were  sur 
prised  at  their  conduct,  and  could  not  understand 
for  what  purpose  they  indulged  in  the  filthy  practice. 
As  soon  as  these  people  saw  us,  they  came  to 

*  This  herb  was  either  the  Betel,  or  something  similar  to  it.  It 
is  very  much  esteemed  in  the  East  Indies.  The  white  mealy 
substance  which  he  speaks  of,  was  calcined  oyster  shells.  The 
natives  used  it  for  the  purpose  of  quenching  their  thirst,  as 
Americus  supposed,  and  made  use  of  it  also  as  a  medicine.— See 
Ramusio,  torn.  i.  p.  298.  Cook's  Voyages,  vol.  i.  p.  112-434-436. 
Ferdinand  Columbus  also  speaks  of  it,  and  says,  "  The  chiefs  con 
tinued  to  put  a  dry  herb  in  their  mouths,  and  also  a  certain 
powder."— Canovai,  torn.  i.  p.  141. 

Alonzo  Nino  and  Christobal  Guerra  observed  upon  the  coast  of 
Cumana,  that  the  Indians  chewed  an  herb  continually  to  keep 
their  teeth  white.— Navarrete,  torn.  iii.  p.  15. 
159 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

us  with  as  much  familiarity  a8  if  we  had  been  old 
friends.  As  we  were  walking  with  them  along  the 
shore,  and  wished  to  find  some  fresh  water  to 
drink,  they  made  us  understand  by  signs  that 
they  had  none,  and  offered  us  some  of  their  herbs 
and  meal;  hence  we  concluded  that  water  was 
very  scarce  in  this  island,  and  that  they  kept 
these  herbs  in  their  mouths  in  order  to  allay 
their  thirst.  We  walked  about  the  island  a  day 
and  a  half  without  finding  any  living  water,  and 
noticed  that  all  the  water  which  they  drank  was 
the  dew  which  fell  in  the  night  upon  certain  leaves 
which  looked  like  asses'  ears.  These  leaves  being 
filled  with  dew  water,  the  islanders  used  it  for 
their  drink,  and  most  excellent  water  it  was.  but 
there  were  many  places  where  the  leaves  were  not 
to  be  found. 

They  had  no  kind  of  victuals  or  roots  such  as 
we  found  on  the  mainland,  but  lived  on  fish,  which 
they  caught  in  the  sea,  of  which  there  was  an 
abundance,  and  they  were  great  fishermen.  They 
presented  us  with  many  turtles,  and  many  large 
and  very  good  fish.  The  women  did  not  chew 
the  herb  as  the  men  did,  but  carried  a  gourd 
with  water  in  it,  of  which  they  drank.  They  had 
no  villages,  houses,  or  cottages,  except  some  ar 
bours  which  defended  them  from  the  sun,  but  not 
from  the  rain ;  this  appearing  needless,  for  I  think 
it  very  seldom  rained  on  this  island.  When  they 
were  fishing  out  at  sea,  they  each  wore  on  the 
head  a  very  large  leaf,  so  broad  that  they  were 
covered  by  its  shade.*  They  fixed  these  leaves 
also  in  the  ground  on  shore,  and  as  the  sun 

*  Rainusio  speaks  of  a  tree  or  plant  growing  in  the  East  Indies, 
which  produces  four  or  five  leaves,  each  of  which  will  shelter  a 
man  from  the  sun  and  rain.— Bam.,  torn.  1.  p.  161,  D. 

Conti  also  speaks  of  a  tree,  the  leaves  of  which  are  six  yards 
long,  and  nearly  the  same  width.  "  When  it  rains  they  are  car- 
160 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

moved,  turned  them  about,  so  as  to  keep  within 
the  shadow,  and  defend  themselves  from  the  sun's 
rays.  The  island  contained  many  animals  of  vari 
ous  kinds,  all  of  which  drank  the  muddy  water  of 
the  marshes. 

Seeing  there  was  no  utility  in  staying  here,  we 
left  and  went  to  another  island,  which  we  found 
inhabited  by  people  of  very  large  stature.  Going 
into  the  country  in  search  of  fresh  water,  without 
thinking  the  island  inhabited  (as  we  saw  no  peo 
ple),  as  we  were  passing  along  the  shore,  we  re 
marked  very  large  footprints  in  the  sand.  We  con 
cluded  that  if  the  other  members  corresponded 
with  the  feet,  they  must  belong  to  very  large  men. 
While  occupied  with  these  conjectures,  we  struck  a 
path  which  led  us  inland,  and  imagining  that  as 
the  island  was  small,  there  could  not  be  many  peo 
ple  on  it,  we  passed  on  to  find  out  of  what  descrip 
tion  they  might  be.  After  we  had  gone  about  a 
league,  we  saw  in  a  valley  five  of  their  cottages, 
which  appeared  to  be  uninhabited,  and,  on  going 
to  them,  we  found  only  five  women,  two  quite  old, 
and  three  girls,  all  so  tall  in  stature,  that  we  re 
garded  them  with  astonishment.  When  they  saw 
us,  they  became  so  frightened  that  they  had  not 
even  courage  to  flee,  and  the  two  old  women  be 
gan  to  invite  us  into  their  houses,  and  to  bring 
us  many  things  to  eat,  with  many  caresses.  They 
were  taller  than  a  tall  man,  and  as  large-bodied 
as  Francisco  of  Albizzi,  but  better  proportioned 
than  we  are. 

While  we  were  all  consulting  as  to  the  expedi 
ency  of  taking  the  three  girls  by  force,  and  bring 
ing  them  to  Castile,  to  exhibit  the  wonder,  there 

ried  over  the  head  to  prevent  the  people  from  being  wet,  and 
three  or  four  persons  stretching  it  out  may  be  covered."— Ifrid., 
p.  339,  C.    Canovai,  torn.  I.  p.  144. 
11  161 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

entered  the  door  of  the  cottage  thirty-six  men 
much  larger  than  the  women,  and  so  well  made 
that  it  was  a  pleasure  to  look  at  them.  They  put 
us  in  such  perturbation,  however,  that  we  would 
much  rather  have  been  in  our  ships,  than  have 
found  ourselves  with  such  people.  They  carried 
immense  bows  and  arrows,  and  large-headed 
clubs,  and  talked  among  themselves  in  a  tone 
which  led  us  to  think  they  were  deliberating  about 
attacking  us. 

Seeing  we  were  in  such  danger,  we  formed  vari 
ous  opinions  on  the  subject.  Some  were  for  fall 
ing  upon  them  in  the  house,  others  thought  it 
would  be  better  to  attack  them  in  the  field,  and 
others  that  we  should  not  commence  the  strife 
until  we  saw  what  they  wished  to  do.  We  agreed 
at  length  to  go  out  of  the  cottage,  and  take  our 
way  quietly  towards  the  ships.  As  soon  as  we  did 
this,  they  followed  at  a  stone's  throw  behind  us, 
talking  earnestly  among  themselves,  and  I  think 
no  less  afraid  of  us  than  we  were  of  them;  for 
whenever  we  stopped,  they  did  the  same,  never 
coming  nearer  to  us.  In  this  way  we  at  length 
arrived  at  the  shore,  where  the  boats  were  wait 
ing  for  us— we  entered  them,  and  as  we  were  going 
off  in  the  distance,  they  leaped  forward  and  shot 
many  arrows  after  us,  but  we  had  little  fear  of 
them  now.  We  discharged  two  guns  at  them, 
more  to  frighten  than  to  injure,  and  on  hearing 
the  report,  they  all  fled  to  the  mountain.  Thus 
we  parted  from  them,  and  it  appeared  to  us  that 
we  had  escaped  from  a  perilous  day's  work.  These 
people  were  quite  naked,  like  the  others  we  had 
seen,  and  on  account  of  their  large  stature,  I  call 
this  island  the  Island  of  Giants.*  We  proceeded 

*  This  was  probably  the  island  of  Curacoa.— Navarrete,  torn, 
lii.  p.  359. 

162 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

onward  in  a  direction  parallel  with  the  land,  on 
which  it  often  happened  that  we  were  obliged  to 
fight  with  the  people,  who  were  not  willing  to  let 
us  take  any  thing  away. 

Our  minds  were  fully  prepared  by  this  time  for 
returning  to  Castile.  We  had  been  at  sea  about 
a  year,  and  had  but  little  provision  left,  and 
that  little  damaged,  in  consequence  of  the  great 
heat  through  which  we  had  passed.  From  the 
time  we  left  the  Island  of  Cape  Verd  until  then, 
we  had  been  sailing  continually  in  the  torrid 
zone,  having  twice  crossed  the  equinoctial  line,  as 
before  stated ;  having  been  five  degrees  beyond  it 
to  the  south,  and  then  being  fifteen  degrees  north 
of  it. 

Being  thus  disposed  for  our  return,  it  pleased 
the  Holy  Spirit  to  give  us  some  repose  from  our 
great  labours.  Going  in  search  of  a  harbour,  in 
order  to  repair  our  ships,  we  fell  in  with  a  people 
who  received  us  with  much  friendship,  and  we 
found  that  they  had  a  great  quantity  of  oriental 
pearls,  which  were  very  good.  We  remained  with 
them  forty-seven  days,  and  procured  from  them  a 
hundred  and  nineteen  marks  of  pearls  in  exchange 
for  a  mere  trifle  of  our  merchandise,  which  I  think 
did  not  cost  us  the  value  of  forty  ducats.  We  gave 
them  nothing  whatever  but  bells,  looking-glasses, 
beads,  and  brass  plates ;  for  a  bell,  one  would  give 
all  the  pearls  he  had.  We  learned  from  them  how 
and  where  they  fished  for  these  pearls,  and  they 
gave  us  many  oysters  in  which  they  grew.  W7e 
procured  one  oyster  in  which  a  hundred  and  thirty 
pearls  were  growing,  but  in  others  there  were  a 
less  number.  The  one  with  the  hundred  and 
thirty  the  queen  took  from  me.  but  the  others  1 
kept  to  myself,  that  she  might  not  see  them. 

Your  Excellency  must  know,  that  if  the  pearls 
163 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

are  not  ripe  and  not  loose  in  the  shell,  they  do 
not  last,  because  they  are  soon  spoiled.  Of  this  I 
have  seen  many  examples.  When  they  are  ripe, 
they  are  loose  in  the  oyster,  and  mingle  with  the 
flesh,  and  then  they  are  good.  Even  the  bad  ones 
which  they  had,  which  for  the  most  part  were 
rough,  and  disfigured  with  holes,  were  neverthe 
less  worth  a  considerable  sum. 

At  the  end  of  forty-seven  days  we  left  these 
people,  in  great  friendship  with  us,  and  from  the 
want  of  provisions  went  to  the  Island  of  Antilla, 
which  was  discovered  some  years  before  by  Chris 
topher  Columbus.  Here  we  obtained  many  sup 
plies,  and  staid  two  months  and  seventeen  days. 
We  passed  through  many  dangers  and  troubles 
with  the  Christians  who  were  settled  in  this  island 
with  Columbus  (I  think  through  their  envy) ,  the 
relation  of  which,  in  order  not  to  be  tedious,  I 
omit.  We  left  there  on  the  twenty-second  of  April, 
and  after  sailing  a  month  and  a  half,  entered  the 
port  of  Cadiz,  where  we  were  received  with  much 
honour,  on  the  eighth  day  of  June.*  Thus  ter 
minated,  by  the  favour  of  God,  my  second  voyage. 

*  The  months  of  April  and  June  are  adopted  by  Canovai,  and 
very  properly,  instead  of  the  months  of  September  and  April, 
which  are  used  in  some  other  editions.  This  reading  makes  the 
letter  correspond  with  that  to  De'  Medici,  describing  the  same 
voyage,  and  besides,  gives  the  correct  date  of  the  termination  of 
the  voyage.  Americus  says  that  it  lasted  thirteen  months ;  if  it 
ended  in  September,  it  would  have  been  seventeen.— See  First 
Letter  of  Americus  to  De>  Medici.  Canovai,  torn.  i.  p.  151. 


164 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

It  was  during  the  month  of  July,  in  the  year 
1500,  that  Americus  wrote  his  letter  to  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici,  giving  a  description  of  the  voyage 
which  had  just  been  brought  to  a  conclusion.  He 
apologizes,  as  has  been  seen,  for  his  long  silence, 
and  gives  as  an  excuse  for  it,  the  reason,  that 
nothing  had  occurred  to  him  worthy  of  being- 
commemorated,  excepting  that  which  he  proceeded 
to  narrate.  A  most  unjustifiable  use  has  been 
made  of  this  expression  of  the  navigator,  by 
those  who  are  desirous  of  discrediting  his  account 
of  his  first  voyage.  They  argue  that  it  is  equiva 
lent  to  saying  that  he  had  not  made  a  previous 
voyage,  for  it  would  have  been  a  remarkable  for- 
getfulness  to  have  said  that  nothing  of  impor 
tance  had  occurred,  if  he  had  made  a  previous 
voyage  of  eighteen  months'  duration,  in  1497-8. 
How  much  more  ingenuous  would  it  be  to  sup 
pose  that  he  had  previously  written  De'  Medici  an 
account  of  that  first  voyage,  in  letters  which  have 
been  lost  in  the  lapse  of  time,  and  that  the  interval 
between  those  communications  and  the  one  under 
consideration,  a  period  of  more  than  fourteen 
months  at  the  least,  compelled  him  to  speak  of 
his  long  silence  and  make  excuses  for  it.  The 
weakness  of  the  argument  made  use  of  to  dis 
credit  him,  is  of  itself  an  evidence  of  the  want  of 
cogent  proof  in  support  of  their  position.* 

Notwithstanding  the  severe  attack  of  sickness 
which  Americus  experienced  immediately  after  his 

*  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  885. 
165 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

return  (the  quartan  ague,  contracted  probably 
by  exposure  to  the  unhealthy  climate  of  the  West 
Indies) ,  he  devoted  himself  at  once  to  prepara 
tion  for  a  third  voyage.  It  would  seem  that  the 
merchants  of  Seville  were  not  easily  disheartened 
by  the  unprofitable  result,  in  a  pecuniary  point  of 
view,  of  the  voyage  of  Ojeda  and  Americus;  or 
that  the  government  itself  had  taken  his  fortunes 
under  its  special  charge.  While,  however,  a  new 
fleet  was  being  made  ready,  which  he  expected 
would  be  in  complete  order  for  sea  as  early  as  the 
month  of  September,  some  circumstances  occurred 
which  led  him  to  abandon  the  service  of  Spain 
and  try  his  fortune  under  the  auspices  of  a  new 
monarch. 

What  these  circumstances  were  can  now  only  be 
conjectured.  Americus  himself  subsequently  speaks 
of  the  course  which  he  had  adopted  in  terms  which 
show  that  he  did  not  leave  Spain  without  doubt 
ing  in  his  own  mind  the  propriety  of  the  proceed 
ing.  He  stood  deservedly  high  in  the  estimation 
of  the  Court,  and  the  amenity  and  modesty  of 
his  manners  had  attached  to  him  a  great  num 
ber  of  warm  friends  and  admirers.  It  is  probable 
that  he  accepted  the  offers,  which  were  made  to 
him  by  the  King  of  Portugal,  in  a  momentary 
feeling  of  pique  at  some  fancied  neglect,  or  in  dis 
gust  at  the  measures  brought  about  by  persons 
envious  of  his  well-earned  fame.* 

The   motives   of  the  King  of  Portugal  in  en 
deavouring  to  secure  the  services  of  Americus  are 
very   apparent.    The   accidental  discovery  made 
by  Cabral,  about  a  year  before  this  time,  who, 
while  attempting  to  double  the   Cape   of   Good 
Hope,  on  his  way  to  the  East  Indies,  had  been 
driven  across  the  South  Atlantic  to  the  shores  of 
*  See  chap.  xiil. 
166 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Brazil  by  adverse  winds,  had  given  rise  to  dis 
putes  and  dissensions  between  the  governments  of 
Spain  and  Portugal.  These  disputes  had  just 
been  settled  by  a  compromise.  The  line  of  de 
marcation  between  their  respective  dominions  was 
changed,  and  removed  three  hundred  and  seventy 
leagues  west  of  its  former  position.  Cabral  saw 
but  very  little  of  the  country  which  he  had  fallen 
in  with  so  unexpectedly.  He  took  formal  posses 
sion  of  it,  however,  in  the  name  of  his  sovereign, 
and  despatched  one  of  the  ships  of  his  fleet  to 
give  information  of  his  discovery,  while  in  the 
meantime  he  pursued  his  original  voyage.* 

The  accounts  of  Americus  respecting  this  newly- 
acquired  region  could  not  have  failed  to  reach  the 
ears  of  King  Emmanuel.  He  found  himself,  by  the 
recent  agreement,  put  into  possession  of  a  coun 
try  far  more  extensive  than  the  meagre  reports  of 
Cabral  could  have  warranted  him  to  hope  for. 
Unable  to  avail  himself  of  the  services  of  that 
navigator,  and  duly  estimating  the  distinguished 
reputation  and  skill  of  Americus,  he  spared  no 
pains  to  detach  him  from  the  service  of  Spain, 
and  entice  him  to  Portugal.  It  was  then  that 
the  Portuguese  government  bitterly  repented  its 
repulse  of  Columbus,  and  regretting  deeply  its  ill- 
timed  economy,  King  Emmanuel  resolved  to  tempt 
Americus  with  the  prospect  of  splendid  rewards. 

The  first  attempt  which  was  made  to   induce 
him  to  accompany  an  expedition  from  Lisbon, 
was  by  letter  from  the  king  himself,  and  was  un 
successful.     Americus,  unprepared  for  the  proposi 
tion,  delayed  the  bearer  of  the  letter,  and  gave 
him  at  last  an  answer  in  the  negative.    It  was 
not,  however,  couched  in  such  decided  terms  as  to 
discourage  the  king,  or  preclude  the  possibility  of 
*  Canovai,  torn.  li.  p.  79. 
167 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

gaining  him  over  at  last.  He  pleaded  ill-health, 
and  said,  indefinitely,  that  when  he  recovered  he 
might  be  induced  to  go. 

The  second  attempt  was  more  favourably  re 
ceived.  Juliano  Giocondo,  an  Italian,  then  resi 
dent  at  Lisbon,  was  despatched  soon  after,  to  en 
treat  Americus  with  greater  urgency.  He  came 
at  once  to  Seville,  where  Americus  was  residing, 
and,  by  dint  of  earnest  persuasion,  induced  him 
at  last  to  enter  the  service  of  Emmanuel.  Ameri 
cus  yielded,  against  the  advice  of  his  friends,  who, 
according  to  his  own  account,  all  looked  with  ill- 
favour  upon  the  project.  Fearing  that  some  at 
tempt  might  be  made  to  detain  him,  he  left  the 
kingdom  privately,  in  company  with  Giocondo. 
and  proceeded  at  once  to  Lisbon. 

"It  does  not  appear,"  says  Canovai,  "that 
King  Ferdinand  considered  himself  wronged,  by 
the  sudden  flight,  and,  to  say  the  least,  apparent 
discourtesy  of  Americus,  in  leaving  the  kingdom 
and  the  king,  his  patron,  without  salutation  or 
leave-taking.  It  was  probably  looked  upon  as  a 
trait  of  his  reserved  character,  or  an  evidence  of 
his  aversion  to  idle  and  slanderous  rumours,  which 
he  was  unwilling  to  take  the  pains  to  contradict. 
Rumours  and  whisperings  soon  die  away  when 
they  have  nothing  to  feed  upon,  and  when  Ameri 
cus  returned,  as  though  from  a  journey,  the  slight 
was  forgotten,  and  he  was  treated  with  greater 
honour  than  before."* 

Americus  was  received  with  open  arms  at  the 

court  of  Emmanuel,  and  commenced  with  ardour 

the  preparation  of  the  fleet.    It  is  impossible  to 

say  who  had  the  command  of  this  expedition,  but 

it  is  apparent  that  its  nautical  management  was 

under  the  control  of  Americus,  from  the  letters  to 

*  Canovai,  torn.  ii.  p.  80. 

168 


AMERIGUS  VESPUCIUS. 

De'  Medici  and  Soderini  which  follow.  The  navi 
gator  wrote  three  accounts  of  this  his  first  voyage 
in  the  Portuguese  service,  two  of  them  directed  to 
De'  Medici,  of  which  the  most  elaborate  is  given, 
and  the  other  to  Soderini.  He  evidently  looked 
upon  it  as  the  most  important  in  its  discoveries 
that  he  had  ever  made,  and  he  regarded  it  cor 
rectly.  Unfortunately,  it  was  equally  signalized 
by  the  tempestuous  weather  he  experienced  in  the 
course  of  it.  Had  it  not  been  for  this,  there  is 
little  doubt  that  he  would  have  realized  all  his 
hopes  of  a  southwestern  passage  to  India,  but  the 
violent  storms  he  encountered  compelled  him  to 
desist  and  return  to  Portugal. 

Notwithstanding,  the  results  of  the  voyage  were 
of  vast  importance  to  Portugal.  An  immensely 
wealthy  country  was  added  to  her  dominions, 
whose  mines  of  gold  and  diamonds  furnished  her 
most  opportunely  with  resources  for  prosecuting 
her  conquests  and  discoveries  in  the  East.  Then, 
to  make  use  of  the  graphic  words  in  which  the 
poet  Thomson  describes  the  effect  of  the  voyages 
of  De  Gama,  originally  suggested  by  Prince  Henry, 
and  which  may  be  applied  with  equal  justice  to 
this  voyage  of  Americus : 

Then  from  ancient  gloom  emerged 
The  rising  world  of  trade :  the  genius,  then, 
Of  Navigation,  that  in  hopeless  sloth 
Had  slumbered  on  the  vast  Atlantic  deep 
For  idle  ages,  starting,  heard  at  last 
The  Lusitanian  prince,  who,  Heaven-inspired, 
To  love  of  useful  glory  roused  mankind, 
And  an  unbounded  commerce  mixed  the  world.* 

One  word  respecting  the  authenticity  of  the  voy 
age  which  is  described  in  the  two  following  chap 
ters.  The  Spanish  historian  Herrera,  as  has  been 
seen,  with  the  view  of  sustaining  the  position  that 

*  Thomson's  Seasons— Summer. 
169 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

the  first  voyage  of  Americus  was  altogether  sup 
posititious,  pretends  that  he  was  sailing  in  1501, 
in  the  company  of  Ojeda,  in  the  Gulf  of  Darien.* 
Most  unfortunately  for  the  accuracy  of  this  his 
torian,  there  exists  undoubted  evidence  to  the 
contrary.  Peter  Martyr,  whose  veracity  is  un 
questionable,  states  that  Americus  sailed  many 
degrees  south  of  the  line,  in  the  Portuguese  ser 
vice,  f  Numerous  other  writers  assert  the  same, 
though  they  differ  respecting  the  exact  date  of  the 
voyage.  Gomara,  however,  fixes  the  date  un 
equivocally,  and  expressly  declares  that  Americus 
was  despatched  by  King  Emmanuel  on  a  voyage 
of  discovery  in  the  year  1501. J  No  reasonable 
doubt  can  then  be  entertained  that  the  voyage  ac 
tually  took  place,  and  the  reader  may  safely  pe 
ruse  the  accounts  of  the  navigator  in  spite  of  the 
unmanly  attempts  of  partisan  critics  to  injure  his 
credibility. 

*  Herrera,  Historia,  &c.,  Decad.  i. 1. 4,  c.  11. 
t  Martyr,  Ocean.  D.  ii.  1. 1,  p.  199. 

*  Gomara,  Hist,  of  the  Indies,  chap.  ciii.  in  Barcia's  Historia- 
dores. 


170 


AMERIOUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

SECOND  LETTER  OF  AMERICU8  TO   LORENZO  DI   PIER- 
FRANCESCO  DE'   MEDICI,   GIVING  A  BRIEF  AC 
COUNT  OF  HIS  THIRD   VOYAGE,   MADE 
FOR  THE   KING  OF  PORTUGAL.  * 

My  Most  Excellent  Patron,  Lorenzo : 

(After  due  commendation),  My  last  letter  to 
your  Excellency  was  written  from  a  place  on  the 
coast  of  Guinea,  called  Cape  Verd,  and  in  it  you 
were  informed  of  the  commencement  of  my  voy 
age.  This  present  letter  will  advise  you  of  its 
continuation  and  termination* 

We  started  from  the  above-mentioned  Cape,  hav 
ing  first  taken  in  all  necessary  supplies  of  wood 
and  water,  to  discover  new  lands  in  the  ocean. 
We  sailed  on  a  southwesterly  course,  until,  at  the 
end  of  sixty-four  days,  we  discovered  land,  which, 
on  many  accounts,  we  concluded  to  be  Terra 
Firma.  We  coasted  this  land  about  eight  hundred 
leagues  in  a  direction  west  by  south.  It  was  full 
of  inhabitants,  and  I  noticed  many  remarkable 
things,  which  1  determined  to  narrate  to  your 
Excellency 

We  sailed  in  these  seas  until  we  entered  the 
Torrid  Zone  and  passed  to  the  south  of  the  equi 
noctial  line  and  the  Tropic  of  Capricorn,  so  that 
we  were  fifty  degrees  to  the  south  of  the  line.  We 
navigated  here  four  months  and  twenty-seven 
days,  seeing  neither  the  Arctic  Pole,  nor  Ursa  Ma 
jor  or  Minor.  We  discovered  here  many  beauti- 

*  This  letter  was  published  for  the  first  time  in  the  year  1789,  by 
Bartolozzi,  at  the  close  of  his  work  entitled  "Ricerche  Istorico 
Critiche  circa  alle  Scoperle  d' Amerigo  Vespucci." 
171 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

ful  constellations,  invisible  in  the  Northern  Hemi 
sphere,  and  noted  their  marvellous  movements  and 
grandeur.  We  marked  the  course  of  their  revolu 
tions,  and  with  geometrical  calculations  deter 
mined  the  position  of  these  heavenly  bodies.  The 
most  notable  of  the  things  which  occurred  in  this 
voyage  I  have  collated  for  a  small  work,  which, 
when  I  am  at  leisure,  I  shall  find  occupation  in 
completing,  and  which  will  acquire  for  me  some 
fame  after  my  death.  I  had  in  readiness  a  sketch 
of  this  to  send  to  you,  but  the  King's  Highness 
retains  it,  and  when  he  returns  it,  I  will  forward 
it  as  I  proposed.  In  effect,  my  navigation  ex 
tended  to  a  fourth  part  of  the  world,  and  a  line 
to  my  zenith  there,  made  a  right  angle,  at  the 
centre  of  the  earth,  with  that  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Northern  Hemisphere,  forty  degrees  above 
the  equator. 

To  proceed  now  to  a  description  of  the  country, 
of  the  plants  therein,  and  of  the  customs  of  the  in 
habitants,  I  would  observe,  that  this  region  in 
most  delightful,  and  covered  with  immense  for 
ests,  which  never  lose  their  foliage,  and  through 
out  the  year  yield  the  sweetest  aromatic  odours, 
and  produce  an  infinite  variety  of  fruit,  grateful 
to  the  taste,  and  healthful  for  the  body.  In  the 
fields  flourish  so  many  sweet  flowers  and  herbs, 
and  the  fruits  are  so  delicious  in  their  fragrance, 
that  I  fancied  myself  near  the  terrestrial  paradise. 
What  shall  I  tell  you  of  the  birds,  and  of  the  bril 
liant  colours  of  their  plumage?  What  of  their 
variety,  their  sweet  songs,  and  their  beauty?  I 
dare  not  enlarge  upon  this  theme,  for  I  fear  that 
I  should  not  be  believed.  How  shall  I  enumerate 
the  infinite  variety  of  sylvan  animals,  lions, 
panthers,  and  catamounts,  though  not  like  those 
of  our  regions,  wolves,  stags,  and  baboons  of  all 
172 


AMER1CUS  VESPUCIUS. 

kinds  ?  We  saw  more  wild  animals,  such  as  wild 
hogs,  kids,  deer,  hares,  and  rabbits,  than  could 
ever  have  entered  the  ark  of  Noah,  but  we  saw 
no  domestic  animals  whatever. 

Now  consider  reasoning  animals.  We  found 
the  whole  region  inhabited  by  a  race  of  people 
who  were  entirely  naked,  both  men  and  women. 
They  are  well-proportioned  in  body,  with  black 
hair,  and  little  or  no  beard.  I  laboured  much 
to  investigate  their  customs— remaining  twenty- 
seven  days  for  that  purpose— and  the  following 
is  the  information  I  acquired. 

They  have  no  laws,  and  no  religious  belief,  but 
live  according  to  the  dictates  of  nature  alone. 
They  know  nothing  of  the  immortality  of  the 
soul;  they  have  no  private  property,  but  every 
thing  in  common;  they  have  no  boundaries  of 
kingdom  or  province;  they  obey  no  king  or  lord, 
for  it  is  wholly  unnecessary,  as  they  have  no 
laws,  and  each  one  is  his  own  master.  They  dwell 
together  in  houses  made  like  bells— in  the  con 
struction  of  which  they  use  neither  iron  nor  any 
other  metal.  This  is  very  remarkable,  for  I  have 
seen  houses  two  hundred  and  twenty  feet  long, 
and  thirty  feet  wide,  built  with  much  skill,  and 
containing  five  or  six  hundred  people.  They  sleep 
in  hammocks  of  cotton,  suspended  in  the  air. 
without  any»covering ;  they  eat  seated  upon  the 
ground,  and  their  food  consists  of  the  roots  of 
herbs,  of  fruits  and  fish.  They  eat,  also,  lobsters, 
crabs,  and  oysters,  and  many  other  kinds  of 
muscles  and  shell-fish,  which  are  found  in  the  sea. 
As  to  their  meat,  it  is  principally  human  flesh. 
It  is  true  that  they  devour  the  flesh  of  animals 
and  birds;  but  they  do  not  catch  many,  because 
they  have  no  dogs,  and  the  woods  are  so  thick, 
and  BO  filled  with  wild  beasts,  that  they  do  not 
173 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

care  to  go  into  them,  without  going  in  large 
bodies. 

The  men  are  in  the  habit  of  decorating  their 
lips  and  cheeks  with  bones  and  stones,  which  they 
suspend  from  holes  which  they  bore  in  them.  I 
have  seen  some  of  them  with  three,  seven,  and 
even  as  many  as  nine  holes,  filled  with  white 
or  green  alabaster— a  most  barbarous  custom, 
which  they  follow,  in  order,  as  they  say,  to 
make  themselves  appear  fierce  and  ferocious. 

******* 

They  are  a  people  of  great  longevity.  We  met 
with  many  who  had  descendants  of  the  fourth 
degree.  Not  knowing  how  to  compute  time,  and 
counting  neither  days,  months,  or  years,  except 
ing  in  so  far  as  they  count  the  lunar  months, 
when  they  wanted  to  signify  to  us  any  particular 
duration  of  time,  they  did  it  by  showing  us  a 
stone  for  each  moon ;  and,  computing  in  this  man 
ner,  we  discovered  that  the  age  of  one  man  that 
we  saw  was  seventeen  hundred  moons,  or  about 
one  hundred  and  thirty-two  years,  reckoning 
thirteen  moons  to  the  year. 

They  are  a  warlike  race,  and  extremely  cruel. 
All  their  arms  and  bows  are,  as  Petrarch  says; 
"committed  to  the  winds;"  for  they  consist  only 
of  spears,  arrows,  and  stones.  They  use  no  shields 
for  the  body— going  to  battle  wholly  naked.  There 
in  no  order  or  discipline  in  their  fights,  except 
that  they  follow  the  counsels  of  the  old  men. 
Most  cruelly  do  they  combat,  and  those  who 
conquer  in  the  field  bury  their  own  dead,  but  cut 
up  and  eat  the  dead  of  their  enemies.  Some,  who 
are  taken  prisoners,  are  carried  to  their  villages 
for  slaves.  Females  taken  in  war,  they  frequently 
marry ;  and  sometimes  the  male  prisoners  are  al 
lowed  to  marry  the  daughters  of  the  tribe;  but 
174 


AMERICU8  VESPUCIUS. 

occasionally  a  diabolical  fury  seems  to  come  over 
them,  and,  calling  together  their  relations  and  all 
the  people,  they  sacrifice  these  slaves,  the  children 
with  their  parents,  with  many  barbarous  cere 
monies.  This  we  know  ol  a  certainty;  for  we 
found  much  human  flesh  in  their  houses,  hung  up 
to  smoke,  and  we  purchased  ten  poor  creatures 
from  them,  both  men  and  women,  whom  they 
were  about  to  sacrifice,  to  save  them  from  such 
a  fate. 

Much  as  we  reproached  them  on  this  account. 
I  cannot  say  whether  they  amended  at  all.  The 
most  astonishing  thing  in  all  their  wars  and  cru 
elty  was.  that  we  could  not  find  out  any  reason 
for  them.  They  made  wars  against  each  other, 
although  they  had  neither  kings,  kingdoms,  nor 
property  of  any  kind,  without  any  apparent  desire 
to  plunder,  and  without  any  lust  for  power,  which 
always  appeared  to  me  to  be  the  moving  causes  of 
wars  and  anarchy.  When  we  asked  them  about 
this,  they  gave  us  no  other  reason  than  that  they 
did  so  to  avenge  the  murder  of  their  ancestors. 
To  conclude  this  disgusting  subject,  one  man 
confessed  to  me  that  he  had  eaten  of  the  flesh  of 
over  two  hundred  bodies,  and  I  believe  it  was  the 
truth. 

In  regard  to  the  climate  of  this  region,  I  should 
say  that  it  was  extremely  pleasant  and  healthful ; 
for,  in  all  the  time  that  we  were  there,  which  was 
ten  months,  not  one  of  us  died,  and  only  a  few 
were  sick.  They  suffer  from  no  infirmity,  pesti 
lence,  or  corruption  of  the  atmosphere,  and  die 
only  natural  deaths,  unless  they  fall  by  their  own 
hands,  or  in  consequence  of  some  accident.  In 
fact,  physicians  would  have  a  bad  time  in  such 
a  place. 

As  we  went  there  solely  to  make  discoveries,  and 
175 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

started  with  that  view  from  Lisbon,  without  in 
tending  to  look  for  any  profit,  we  did  not  trouble 
ourselves  to  explore  the  country  much,  and  found 
nothing  of  much  value ;  not  that  I  do  not  believe 
that  it  is  capable,  from  its  climate  and  general  ap 
pearance,  of  containing  every  kind  of  wealth.  It 
is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  we  did  not  discover 
at  once  every  thing  that  might  be  turned  to 
profit  there,  for  the  inhabitants  think  nothing  of 
gold,  silver,  or  precious  stones,  and  value  only 
feathers  and  bones.  But  I  hope  that  I  shall  be 
sent  again  by  the  King  to  visit  these  regions,  and 
that  many  years  will  not  elapse,  before  they  will 
bring  Lumense  profit  and  revenue  to  the  kingdom 
of  Portugal.  We  found  great  quantities  of  dye- 
wood,  enough  to  load  all  the  ships  that  float,  and 
costing  nothing.  The  same  may  be  said  of  cassia. 
We  saw  also  crystals,  spices,  and  drugs,  but  the 
qualities  of  the  last  are  unknown. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  country  tell  of  gold  and 
other  metals,  but  I  am  one  of  those,  who,  like  St. 
Thomas,  are  slow  to  believe.  Time  will  show  all. 

Most  of  the  time  of  our  stay,  the  heavens  were 
.serene,  and  adorned  with  numerous  bright  and 
beautiful  stars,  many  of  which  I  observed,  with 
their  revolutions.  This  may  be  considered  a 
schedule,  or,  as  it  were,  a  capita  rerum,  of  the 
things  which  I  have  seen  in  these  parts.  Many 
things  are  omitted,  which  are  worthy  of  being 
mentioned,  in  order  to  avoid  prolixity,  and  be 
cause  they  are  found  in  my  account  of  the  voyage. 
As  yet  I  tarry  in  Lisbon,  waiting  the  pleasure  of 
the  King,  to  determine  what  I  shall  do.  May  it 
please  God  that  I  do  whatever  is  most  to  his 
glory  and  the  salvation  of  my  soul. 
Your  Excellency's  servant, 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIDS. 
176 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

THIRD    LETTER  OF  AMERICUS  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER- 
FRANCESCO  DE'   MEDICI,   GIVING  A  FULLER  AC 
COUNT  OF  HIS   THIRD  VOYAGE,    MADE 
FOR  THE  KING  OF  PORTUGAL.  * 

In  days  past,  I  gave  your  Excellency  a  full  ac 
count  of  my  return,  and  if  I  remember  aright, 
wrote  you  a  description  of  all  those  parts  of  the 
New  World  which  I  had  visited  in  the  vessels  of  his 
serene  highness  the  King  of  Portugal.  Carefully 
considered,  they  appear  truly  to  form  another 
world,  and  therefore  we  have,  not  without  reason, 
called  it  the  New  World.  Not  one  of  all  the  an 
cients  had  any  knowledge  of  it,  and  the  things 
which  have  been  lately  ascertained  by  us,  tran 
scend  all  their  ideas.  They  thought  there  was 
nothing  south  of  the  equinoctial  line  but  an  im 
mense  sea.  and  some  poor  and  barren  islands. 
The  sea  they  called  the  Atlantic,  and  if  some 
times  they  confessed  that  there  might  be  land  in 
that  region,  they  contended  that  it  must  be 
sterile,  and  could  not  be  otherwise  than  unin 
habitable. 

The  present  navigation  has  controverted  their 
opinions,  and  openly  demonstrated  to  all  that  they 
were  very  far  from  the  truth.  Beyond  the  equi 
noctial  line,  I  found  countries  more  fertile  and 
more  thickly  inhabited,  than  I  have  ever  found 

*  One  circumstance  distinguishes  this  letter  from  the  others  of 
Americus.  It  is  not  in  the  Italian  versions,  filled,  as  all  the  rest 
are,  with  Italianized  Spanish  words,  or  rather  with  corrupt 
Spanish.  The  text  of  Ramusio  is  purely  Tuscan,  and  is  copied 
by  Canovai,  from  whom  this  translation  is  made.— Canovai, 
torn.  i.  p.  153, 154. 

12  177 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

any  where  else,  even  in  Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe, 
as  will  be  more  fully  manifested  by  duly  attending 
to  the  following  relation.  Setting  aside  all  minor 
matters,  I  shall  relate  only  those  of  the  greatest 
importance,  which  are  well  worthy  of  commem 
oration,  and  those  which  I  have  personally  seen 
or  heard  of  from  men  of  credibility.  I  shall  now 
speak  with  much  care  concerning  those  parts 
most  recently  discovered,  and  without  any  roman 
tic  addition  to  the  truth. 

With  happy  omens  of  success,  we  sailed  from 
Lisbon,  with  three  armed  caravels,  on  the  thir 
teenth  day  of  May,  1501,  to  explore,  by  command 
of  the  king,  the  regions  of  the  New  World.  Steer 
ing  a  southwest  course,  we  sailed  twenty  months, 
in  the  manner  which  I  shall  now  relate.  In  the 
first  place,  we  went  to  the  Fortunate  Islands, 
which  are  now  called  the  Grand  Canaries.  They 
are  in  the  third  climate,  in  the  farthest  part  of 
the  West  which  is  inhabited.  After  navigating 
the  ocean,  we  ran  along  the  coast  of  Africa  and 
the  country  of  the  blacks,  as  far  as  the  promon 
tory  which  is  called  by  Ptolemy,  Etiopo,  by  our 
people,  Cape  Verd,  and  by  the  negroes,  Biseneghe. 
while  the  inhabitants  themselves  call  it  Madang- 
han.  The  country  is  situated  within  the  Torrid 
Zone,  in  about  fourteen  degrees  north  latitude, 
and  is  inhabited  by  the  blacks.  Here,  having  re 
freshed  ourselves,  and  reposed  awhile,  we  took  in 
every  kind  of  provision,  and  set  sail,  directing  our 
course  towards  the  Antarctic  Pole. 

We  bore  a  little  to  the  west,  as  the  wind  was 
easterly,  and  we  never  saw  land  until  after  we  had 
sailed  three  months  and  three  days  consecutively. 
What  great  toils  and  dangers  we  were  exposed  to 
in  this  navigation,  what  troubles  and  vexations 
we  suffered,  and  how  often  we  were  disgusted  with 
178 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

life,  I  shall  leave  those  to  judge  who  have  had 
similar  experience— those  garticularly  who  know 
what  great  difficulties  are  met  with,  while  looking 
for  uncertain  things,  and  attempting  discoveries  in 
places  where  man  has  never  before  been;  but  I 
would  not  wish  any  one  to  be  our  judge  who  has 
had  no  experience  in  these  things. 

To  shorten  my  relation  as  much  as  possible, 
your  Excellency  must  know,  that  we  sailed  ninety- 
seven  days,  experiencing  harsh  and  cruel  fortune. 
During  forty-four  days,  the  heavens  were  in  great 
commotion,  and  we  had  nothing  but  thunder  and 
lightning  and  drenching  rain.  Dark  clouds  covered 
the  sky,  so  that  by  day  we  could  see  but  little 
better  than  we  could  in  ordinary  nights,  without 
moonshine.  Our  nights  were  of  the  blackest  dark 
ness.  The  fear  of  death  came  over  us,  and  the 
hope  of  life  almost  deserted  us.  After  all  these 
heavy  afflictions,  at  last  it  pleased  God,  in  his 
mercy,  to  have  compassion  on  us  and  to  save 
our  lives.  On  a  sudden,  the  land  appeared  in 
view,  and  at  the  sight  of  it  our  courage,  which 
had  fallen  very  low,  and  our  strength,  which  had 
become  weakness,  immediately  revived.  Thus 
it  usually  happens  to  those  who  have  passed 
through  great  affliction,  and  especially  to  those 
who  have  been  preserved  from  the  rage  of  evil 
fortune. 

On  the  seventeenth  day  of  August,  in  the  year 
1501,  we  anchored  by  the  shore  of  that  country, 
and  rendered  to  the  Supreme  Being  our  most 
sincere  thanks,  according  to  the  Christian  custom, 
in  a  solemn  celebration  of  mass.*  The  land  we 

*  Bandini  makes  a  mistake  in  this  date,  Riving  it  as  the  first  day 
of  August ;  other  editions  have  it  the  17th  of  August,  which  is 
correct,  as  Americus  started  on  the  13th  of  May,  and  sailed  three 
months  and  three  days.— Canovai,  torn.  i.  p.  158 
179 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

discovered  did  not  appear  to  be  an  island,  but 
a  continent,  as  it  extended  far  away  in  the  dis 
tance,  without  any  appearance  of  termination.* 
It  was  beautifully  fertile,  and  very  thickly  inhab 
ited.  All  sorts  of  wild  animals,  which  are  wholly 
unknown  in  our  parts,  were  there  found  in  abun 
dance.  Many  other  things  I  would  describe,  but 
have  studiously  avoided  mentioning,  in  order  that 
my  work  might  not  become  large  beyond  meas 
ure.  One  thing  only  I  feel  that  I  should  not  omit ; 
it  is  that,  aided  by  the  goodness  of  God,  in  due 
time,  and  according  to  our  need,  we  saw  land ; 
for  we  were  not  able  to  sustain  ourselves  any 
longer;  all  our  provisions  having  failed  us;  our 
wood,  water,  biscuit,  salt  meat,  cheese,  wine,  oil, 
and,  what  is  more,  our  vigour  of  mind,  all  gone. 
By  God's  mercy,  therefore,  our  lives  were  spared, 
and  to  him  we  ought  to  render  thanks,  honour, 
and  glory. 

We  were  unanimously  of  opinion  that  our  navi 
gation  should  be  continued  along  this  coast,  and 
that  we  should  not  lose  sight  of  it.  We  sailed, 
therefore,  in  accordance  with  this  conclusion,  till 
we  arrived  at  a  certain  cape,  which  makes  a  turn 
to  the  south.  This  cape  is,  perhaps,  three  hun 
dred  leagues  distant  from  the  place  where  we 
first  saw  land.  In  sailing  tkis  distance  we  often 
landed,  and  had  intercourse  with  the  inhabitants. 
as  will  be  more  elaborately  mentioned  hereafter. 

*  It  may  seem  strange  that  Americus  should  not  at  once  have 
recognized  the  continent  which  he  had  visited  before  in  hi* 
second  voyage,  and  have  mentioned  the  fact ;  but  it  must  not  be 
forgotten  that  his  vessels  had  been  buffeting  with  severe  gales, 
and  driven  for  some  time  almost  at  the  mercy  of  the  waves  - 
that  he  reached  land,  situated  at  least  flf ty  leagues  farther  south 
than  he  did  before,  in  a  different  season,  and  when  the  country 
was  not  overflowed.  After  all,  he  might  have  recognized  it  with 
out  thinking  it  important  to  say  that  he  did  so.— Canovai,  torn.  i. 
p.  158. 

180 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

I  have  omitted  to  state  that  this  newly-discovered 
land  is  about  seven  hundred  leagues  distant  from 
Cape  Verd,  though  I  was  persuaded  that  we  had 
sailed  more  than  eight  hundred.  This  was  partly 
owing  to  the  severe  storm  and  our  frequent  acci 
dents,  and  partly  to  the  ignorance  of  the  pilot ; 
both  of  which  causes  had  a  tendency  to  lengthen 
the  voyage. 

We  had  arrived  at  a  place  which,  if  I  had  not 
possessed  some  knowledge  of  cosmography,  by  the 
negligence  of  the  pilot,  would  have  finished  the 
course  of  our  lives.  There  was  no  pilot  who 
knew  our  situation  within  fifty  leagues,  and  we 
went  rambling  about,  and  should  not  have  known 
whither  we  were  going,  if  I  had  not  provided  in 
season  for  my  own  safety  and  that  of  my  com 
panions,  with  the  astrolabe  and  quadrant,  my 
astrological  instruments.  On  this  occasion  I  ac 
quired  no  little  glory  for  myself;  so  that,  from 
that  time  forward,  I  was  held  in  such  estimation 
by  my  companions,  as  the  learned  are  held  in  by 
people  of  quality.  I  explained  the  sea-charts  to 
them,  and  made  them  confess  that  the  ordinary 
pilots  were  ignorant  of  cosmography,  and  knew 
nothing  in  comparison  with  myself. 

The  cape  of  this  newly-discovered  land,  which 
turned  towards  the  south,  was  an  object  which 
excited  in  us  a  great  desire  to  arrive  at  it,  and 
examine  it  attentively.  It  was  determined,  by 
common  consent,  to  make  an  investigation,  and 
understand  the  customs  and  disposition  of  the 
people  of  the  country.  We  sailed,  accordingly, 
near  the  coast  for  about  six  hundred  leagues.  We 
landed  often,  and  often  came  to  a  parley  with 
the  inhabitants,  who  received  us  with  honour,  and 
in  a  very  friendly  manner.  Having  discovered 
their  kindness,  and  very  innocent  nature,  we  staid 
181 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

with  them,  not  without  receiving  much  honour, 
for  fifteen  or  twenty  days  at  a  time.  They  are 
extremely  courteous  in  entertaining  strangers, 
which  will  be  more  clearly  shown  hereafter.  This 
continent  commences  at  eight  degrees  south  of  the 
equinoctial  line,  and  we  sailed  so  far  along  the 
coast,  that  we  passed  seventeen  degrees  beyond 
the  winter  tropic,  towards  the  Antarctic  Pole, 
which  was  here  elevated  fifty  degrees  above  the 
horizon. 

The  things  which  I  saw  there  are  unknown  to 
the  men  of  our  times.  That  is,  the  people,  their 
customs,  their  humanity,  the  fertility  of  the  soil, 
the  mildness  of  the  atmosphere,  the  salubrious 
sky,  the  celestial  bodies,  and  above  all,  the  fixed 
stars  of  the  eighth  sphere,  of  which  no  mention 
has  ever  been  made.  In  fact,  until  now  they  have 
never  been  known,  even  by  the  most  learned  of 
the  ancients,  and  I  shall  speak  of  them  therefore 
more  particularly. 

This  country  is  more  numerously  inhabited  than 
any  I  had  seen  for  some  time,  and  the  people  are 
very  mild  and  familiar.  They  do  not  offend  any 
one ;  they  go  entirely  as  nature  has  brought  them 
forth;  naked  they  are  born,  and  naked  they  die. 
Their  bodies  are  very  well  formed,  and  may  be 
said  to  be  fairly  proportioned ;  their  colour  is  of  a 
reddish  cast,  which  is  owing  partly  to  their  being 
naked,  and  therefore  easily  sunburnt ;  their  hair  is 
black,  but  long  and  straight.  In  walking  and  in 
their  games  they  display  superior  dexterity.  They 
have  handsome  faces  and  a  noble  aspect,  but  they 
deform  them  in  an  incredible  manner  by  perfora 
tion.  Their  cheeks,  their  jaws,  their  noses,  lipn 
and  ears  have  not  one  little  hole  only,  but  many 
large  ones  in  them ;  so  that  I  have  often  seen  one 
have  seven  holes  in  his  face,  each  of  the  size  of  a 
182 


AMER1CUS  VESPUCIUS. 

damson  plum.  Having  dug  out  the  flesh,  they 
fill  the  holes  with  certain  blue  pebbles,  of  bright 
marble,  or  beautiful  alabaster,  or  ivory,  or  of  very 
white  bones,  made  according  to  their  fashion, 
and  very  conveniently  wrought.  This  thing  ap 
pears  so  uncouth,  disgusting,  and  barbarous,  that 
at  the  first  sight,  a  man  having  his  face  filled 
with  stones  and  pierced  with  many  holes,  ap 
peared  like  a  monster.  It  will  hardly  be  believed, 
that  one  man  had  seven  stones  in  his  face,  each 
one  more  than  hah'  a  span  in  size;  there  is  no 
one,  indeed,  who  would  not  be  astonished  by  an 
attentive  examination  of  things  so  monstrous. 
Nevertheless  they  are  true,  for  I  myself  have  often 
seen  seven  stones  placed  in  this  fashion,  and 
nearly  sixteen  ounces  in  weight. 

In  the  ears  they  wear  more  precious  ornaments, 
such  as  rings  fastened  in,  and  pendant  pearls  after 
the  fashion  of  the  Egyptians  and  Indians.  The 
custom  of  wearing  stones  is  observed  by  the  men 
alone.  The  women  only  wear  ornaments  in  the 
ears.  They  have  neither  wool  nor  flax,  conse 
quently  they  have  no  cloth  at  all,  neither  do  they 
use  cotton  clothing,  as  by  going  entirely  naked 
they  have  no  need  of  any  garments. 

There  is  no  patrimony  among  them,  but  every 
thing  is  common.  They  have  neither  king  nor  em 
pire  ;  each  one  is  a  king  by  himself.  They  take  as 
many  wives  as  they  please.  In  the  intercourse  of 
the  sexes  they  have  no  regard  to  kindred,  inter 
marrying  the  son  with  the  mother,  and  the  broth 
er  with  the  sister,  and  dissolving  these  connec 
tions  whenever  it  pleases  them,  for  they  are  wholly 
without  laws,  and  live  ungoverned  by  reason. 
They  have  neither  temples  nor  religion,  and  do 
not  even  worship  idols.  What  more  shall  I  say? 
They  have  a  wicked  and  licentious  manner  of  liv- 
183 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

ing-,  more  like  the  style  of  the  Epicureans  than 
that  of  the  Stoics.  They  carry  on  no  commerce, 
and  have  no  knowledge  of  money.  Still  they  have 
strife  among  them,  and  fight  cruelly,  and  without 
any  order.  The  old  men,  by  their  speeches,  stir 
up  the  young  men,  draw  them  into  their  opinions 
whenever  they  please,  and  inflame  them  for  war, 
in  which  they  kill  their  enemies.  If  they  over 
come  and  subdue  them,  they  eat  them,  and  con 
sider  them  very  delicious  food.  They  feed  on  hu 
man  flesh  to  such  a  degree,  that  the  father  may 
eat  the  son,  or  the  son  may  eat  the  father,  as  the 
chance  may  be.  I  saw  one  very  wicked  wretch 
who  boasted,  and  held  it  as  no  small  glory  to 
himself,  that  he  had  eaten  more  than  three  hun 
dred  men.  I  saw  also  a  certain  town,  in  which  I 
remained  perhaps  twenty-seven  days,  where  human 
flesh,  having  been  salted,  was  suspended  from  the 
beams  of  the  dwellings,  as  we  suspend  the  flesh  of 
the  wild  boar  from  the  beams  of  the  kitchen,  after 
having  dried  it  in  the  sun  or  smoked  it,  or  as  we 
suspend  sausages  and  other  similar  things.  They 
were  greatly  astonished  that  we  did  not  eat  our 
enemies,  whose  flesh,  they  say,  excites  the  appe 
tite,  and  has  an  extraordinary  relish,  and  is  of 
a  most  sweet  and  delicate  flavour. 

Their  arms  are  bows  and  arrows,  and  the  latter 
being  pointed  with  iron,  they  fight  most  cruelly 
with  them,  as  those  who  are  naked  are  assaulted 
and  wounded  like  brute  animals.  We  endeavoured 
many  times  to  convert  them  to  our  opinions,  and 
often  admonished  them,  for  the  purpose  of  in 
ducing  them  finally  to  abandon  such  an  infamous 
custom  as  an  abomination.  Many  times  they 
promised  us  to  refrain  from  practising  such 
cruelty. 


184 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

They  live  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  according 
to  what  I  could  learn,  and  are  very  seldom  sick.* 
If  they  chance  to  fall  into  any  infirmity,  they  cure 
themselves  immediately  with  the  juice  of  herbs. 
These  are  the  things  I  have  discovered  among 
them,  which  are  worthy  of  esteem  :  the  temperate 
atmosphere,  the  favourable  sky,  and  long  life; 
and  this  arises,  perhaps,  from  the  east  wind,  which 
blows  there  continually,  and  has  the  same  effect 
on  them  that  the  north  wind  has  on  us.  They 
take  great  pleasure  in  fishing,  and  for  the  most 
part  live  by  it,  nature  aiding  them  to  that  effect, 
as  the  sea  abounds  there  with  all  sorts  of  fish. 
With  hunting  they  are  little  delighted,  on  account 
of  the  great  multitude  of  wild  animals,  through 
fear  of  which  they  do  not  pursue  their  game  in 
the  forests.  All  sorts  of  lions,  bears,  and  other 
animals  are  seen  there.  The  trees  grow  to  an 
almost  incredible  height,  and  they  refrain,  there 
fore,  from  going  into  the  forests,  because,  being 
naked  and  unarmed,  they  would  not  be  able 
safely  to  contend  with  the  wild  beasts. 

The  climate  is  very  temperate,  and  the  country 
fruitful,  and  supremely  delightful.  Although  it  has 
many  hills,  yet  it  is  watered  by  a  great  number 
of  springs  and  rivers,  and  the  forests  are  so  closely 
studded  that  one  cannot  pass  through  them,  on 

*  "I found  such  a  very  perfect  and  singular  atmosphere  in 
this  country  (Arabia  Felix),  that  I  spoke  with  many  persons 
who  had  lived  more  than  a  hundred  and  twenty-five  years,  and 
they  were  yet  in  good  health  and  hearty."— Ramusio,  torn.  i.  p. 
155.  Some  writers  have  attributed  the  long  life  of  the  Indians  to 
the  habit  of  anointing  their  bodies  with  oily  substances.  "At  this 
day,"  says  a  writer,  "  the  natives  of  Brazil  anoint  themselves, 
and  are  very  long  lived,  so  much  so,  that  five  years  ago,  some 
French  friars  met  some  natives,  who  remembered  the  building 
of  Pernambuco,  a  hundred  and  twenty  years  since,  and  they  had 
then  arrived  at  the  age  of  manhood."— Hist.  Fit.  et  Mort. 
p.  536.  Canorai,  torn.  i.  p.  169. 

185 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

account  of  the  thickly-standing  trees.  Among 
these  ramble  ferocious  animals  of  various  kinds. 
The  trees  and  fruits  grow  without  the  labour  of 
cultivation,  and  indeed  their  fruits  are  most  excel 
lent,  and  are  found  in  great  abundance.  Yet  they 
are  not  pernicious  to  the  system,  though  very 
unlike  our  own.  In  like  manner,  the  earth  pro 
duces  great  quantities  of  herbs,  and  roots  of  which 
they  make  bread  and  other  eatables.  There  are 
many  kinds  of  grain,  but  they  are  not  exactly 
similar  to  ours.  The  country  produces  no  metal 
except  gold,  of  which  there  is  a  great  abundance. 
Though  we  in  this  first  voyage  have  brought 
home  none,  yet  all  the  people  of  the  country 
certified  to  the  fact,  affirming  that  the  region 
abounded  in  gold,  and  saying  that  among  them 
it  was  little  esteemed,  and  nearly  valueless.  They 
have  many  pearls  and  precious  stones,  as  we  have 
recorded  before.  Now  though  I  should  be  willing 
to  describe  all  these  things  particularly,  from  the 
great  number  of  them,  and  their  diverse  nature, 
this  history  would  become  too  extensive  a  work. 
Pliny,  a  most  learned  man,  who  compiled  his 
tories  of  many  things,  did  not  imagine  the  thou 
sandth  part  of  these.  If  he  had  treated  of  each  one 
of  them,  he  would  have  made  a  much  larger,  but 
In  truth  a  very  perfect  work. 

The  various  species  of  parrots,  and  their  varie 
gated  colours,  afford  particularly  no  small  matter 
of  astonishment.  The  trees  all  yield  an  odour  of 
unimaginable  sweetness,  and  from  all  of  them 
issue  gums,  liquors,  and  juices.  If  we  knew  their 
virtues,  I  think  there  would  be  nothing  wanting 
to  us,  not  only  in  regard  to  our  pleasures,  but  in 
regard  to  the  maintenance  of  our  health,  or  to 
the  recovering  of  it  when  lost.  If  there  is  a  ter 
restrial  paradise  in  the  world,  it  cannot  be  far 
186 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

from  this  region.  The  country,  as  1  have  said  be 
fore,  facing  the  south,  has  such  a  temperate  cli 
mate,  that  in  winter  they  have  no  cold,  and  in 
Bummer  they  are  not  troubled  with  heat. 

The  sky  and  the  atmosphere  are  seldom  over 
shadowed  with  clouds,  and  the  days  are  almost 
always  serene.  Dew  sometimes  falls,  but  very 
lightly,  and  only  for  the  space  of  three  or  four 
hours,  and  then  vanishes  like  mist.  They  have 
scarcely  any  vapours,  and  the  sky  is  splendidly 
adorned  with  stars  unknown  to  us;  of  which  I 
have  retained  a  particular  remembrance,  and  have 
enumerated  as  many  as  twenty,  whose  brightness 
is  equal  to  that  of  Venus  and  Jupiter.  I  consid 
ered  also  their  circuit  and  their  various  motions, 
and  having  a  knowledge  of  geometry,  I  easily 
measured  their  circumference  and  diameter,  and 
I  am  certain,  therefore,  they  are  of  much  greater 
magnitude  than  men  imagine.  Among  the  others. 
I  saw  three  Canopi.  Two  were  very  bright;  the 
third  was  dim,  and  unlike  the  others.* 

*  The  splendour  and  beauty  of  these  stars  probably  induced 
Americus  to  give  them  the  name  of  Canopus,  which  is  the  most 
brilliant  star  in  the  constellation  Argo.  Corsali,  an  ancient 
Florentine  navigator,  speaks  thus  of  the  Antarctic  stars  which 
occupied  the  attention  of  Americus :  "  Here  we  saw  an  admira 
ble  order  of  stars,  which  in  that  part  of  the  heavens  which  is  op 
posite  to  our  North  Star  were  exhibited  in  endless  revolving."— 
Bcwnwsio,  torn.  I.  p.  177,  E. 

Candamosto  speaks  of  observations  taken  by  him  of  these 
stars,  and  describing  the  situation  of  them,  says,  "The  North 
Star  appeared  very  low  upon  the  sea,  being  not  more  than  the 
length  of  a  lance  above  it.  We  saw  six  stars  low  upon  the  sea, 
clear,  bright,  and  large,  and  ranging  them  by  the  compass,  we 
concluded  that  they  were  the  Ursa  Major  of  the  South,  but  the 
principal  star  we  did  not  see."— Ramusio^  torn.  i.  p.  107,  B. 

Giuntini  writes,  "Those,  who  in  this  age,  have  taken  a  voy 
age  from  Spain  towards  the  South,  relate  that  many  bright  stars 
are  to  be  seen  about  the  Southern  Pole,  of  which  Americus  Ves- 
pucius,  our  Florentine,  is  said  to  have  enumerated  twenty." 

The  reasoning  of  Americus  concerning  the  Southern  Stars,  the 
187 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

The  Antarctic  Pole  has  not  the  Ursa  Major  and 
Minor,  which  may  be  seen  at  our  Arctic  Pole ;  nei 
ther  are  there  any  bright  stars  touching  the  pole, 
but  of  those  which  revolve  round  it,  there  are  four 
in  the  form  of  a  quadrangle.  While  these  are 
rising,  there  is  seen  at  the  left  a  brilliant  Can  opus, 
of  admirable  magnitude,  which,  having  reached 
mid-sky,  forms  the  figure  of  a  triangle.  To  these 
succeed  three  other  brilliant  stars,  of  which  the  one 
placed  in  the  centre  has  twelve  degrees  of  circum 
ference.  In  the  midst  of  them  is  another  brilliant 
Canopus.  After  these  follow  six  other  bright 
stars,  whose  splendour  surpasses  that  of  all  others 
in  the  eighth  sphere.  The  middle  one  is  thirty-two 
degrees  in  circumference.  After  these  figures  fol 
lows  a  large  Canopus,  but  it  is  dim.  These  are 
all  to  be  seen  in  the  milky  way,  and  when  they 
arrive  at  the  meridian,  show  the  figure  of  a  tri 
angle,  but  have  two  sides  longer  than  the  other. 
I  saw  there  many  other  stars,  and  carefully  ob 
serving  their  various  motions,  composed  a  book, 
which  treats  of  them  particularly.  In  this  book  1 
have  related  almost  all  the  remarkable  things 
which  I  encountered  in  the  course  of  my  navi 
gation,  and  with  which  I  have  become  acquainted. 

This  book  is  at  present  in  the  possession  of  his 
Most  Serene  Highness,  the  King,  and  I  hope  he 
will  return  it  soon  into  my  hands.  I  examined 
some  things  in  that  hemisphere  very  diligently, 
which  enable  me  to  contradict  the  opinions  of 
philosophers,  being  altogether  repugnant  to  them. 

rainbow,  and  the  falling  stars,  is  in  accordance  with  the  taste 
and  phraseology  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  and  is,  conse 
quently,  very  slightly  conformable  to  the  ideas  of  philosophers 
and  astronomers  of  the  present  day.  This  note  is  inserted  to 
illustrate  the  views  of  cotemporaneous  navigators,  and  of 
writers  who  flourished  at  about  the  same  time.— Canovai,  torn. 
i.  p.  173-176. 

188 


AMEK1CUS  VESPUC1US. 

Among  other  things,  I  saw  the  rainbow,  that  is, 
the  celestial  arch,  which  is  white  near  midnight.* 
Now,  in  the  opinion  of  some,  it  takes  the  colour 
of  the  four  elements— the  red,  from  fire ;  the  green, 
from  the  earth;  the  white,  from  the  air,  and  the 
blue,  from  the  water.  Aristotle,  in  his  book  en 
titled  "Meteors,"  is  of  a  very  different  opinion. 
He  says,  "The  celestial  arch  is  a  repercussion  of 
the  sun's  rays,  in  the  vapours  of  the  clouds  where 
they  meet,  as  brightness,  reflected  from  the  water 
upon  the  wall,  returns  to  itself.  By  its  interposi 
tion  it  tempers  the  heat  of  the  sun;  by  resolving 
itself  into  rain,  it  fertilizes  the  earth,  and  by  its 
nplendour  beautifies  the  heavens.  It  demonstrates 
that  the  atmosphere  is  filled  with  humidity,  which 
will  disappear  forty  years  before  the  end  of  the 
world,  which  will  be  an  indication  of  the  dryness 
of  the  elements.  It  announces  peace  between  God 
and  men,  is  always  opposite  the  sun,  is  never  seen 
at  noon,  because  the  sun  is  never  in  the  north." 

*  "  By  this  white  rainbow,  he  means,  perhaps,  that  he  had  seen 
some  of  those  crowns  which  astronomers  call  'Halos,'  and  which 
appear  round  the  moon,  and  other  planets  and  fixed  stars,  and 
are  often  of  whitish  colour,"  Ac.  Thus  writes  Bandini,  com 
menting  on  this  passage  in  the  letter  of  Americus.  A  Portu 
guese  pilot  speaks  of  such  a  rainbow  in  the  work  of  Ramusio  : 
"It  has  been  noticed,"  says  he,  "after  a  rain,  that  the  moon, 
by  night,  makes  that  appearance  of  the  Iris  called  the  bow,  such 
as  is  made  by  the  sun  in  the  daytime.  But  the  colours  made  by 
the  moon  are  like  white  mist."— Tom.  i.  p.  116,  D.  Now  the 
Halo  does  not  form  an  "arch,"  but  an  entire  circle,  and  is  not 
very  rare  among  us,  having  been  often  particularly  mentioned 
by  navigators.  "  They  saw,"  says  Cook, "  almost  every  morning 
a  rainbow,  until  one  night  in  the  forepart  of  July,  they  saw  one 
astonishingly  beautiful,  occasioned  by  the  refraction  of  the  light 
of  the  moon."— Coo/c's  Voyages,  vol.  v.  p.  287.  "  The  palest 
light  of  the  moon  produces  in  like  manner  a  rainbow,  which  is 
less  observed  on  account  of  its  faint  and  fading  colours,  but  I 
observed  one  with  very  lively  colours,  on  the  twenty^pinth  of 
June,  1773,"  Ac.— Ibid.  vol.  ix.  p.  134.  Canovai,  torn.  i.  p. 
177, 178. 

189 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

But  Pliny  says,  that  after  the  autumnal  equinox, 
it  appears  at  every  hour.  This  I  have  extracted 
from  the  Comments  of  Landino  on  the  fourth 
book  of  the  Aeneiad,  and  I  mention  it  that  no 
one  may  be  deprived  of  the  fruit  of  his  labours, 
and  that  appropriate  honours  may  be  rendered  to 
every  one. 

I  saw  this  bow  two  or  three  times;  neither  am 
I  alone  in  my  reflections  upon  this  subject.  Many 
mariners  are  also  of  my  opinioA.  We  saw  also, 
the  new  moon  at  mid-day,  as  i1/  came  into  con 
junction  with  the  sun.  There  were  seen,  also, 
every  night,  vapours  and  burning  flames  flashing 
across  the  sky.  A  little  above.  I  called  this  region 
by  the  name  of  hemisphere,  which,  if  we  would 
not  speak  improperly,  cannot  be  so  called,  when 
comparing  it  with  our  own.  It  appeared  only  to 
present  that  form  partially,  and  it  seemed  to  us 
speaking  improperly  to  call  it  a  hemisphere. 

As  I  have  before  stated,  we  sailed  from  Lisbon, 
which  is  nearly  forty  degrees  distant  from  the 
equinoctial  line  towards  the  north,  to  this  coun 
try,  which  is  fifty  degrees  on  the  other  side  of  the 
line;  the  sum  of  these  degrees  is  ninety,  and  is 
the  fourth  part  of  the  circumference  of  the  globe, 
according  to  the  true  reckoning  of  the  ancients. 
It  is  therefore  manifest  to  all,  that  we  measured 
the  fourth  part  of  the  Earth.  We.  who  reside  in 
Lisbon,  nearly  forty  degrees  north  of  the  equinoc 
tial  line,  are  distant  from  those  who  reside  on  the 
other  side  of  the  line,  in  angular  meridional  length . 
ninety  degrees ;  that  is,  obliquely.  In  order  that 
the  case  may  be  more  plainly  understood,  I  would 
observe,  that  a  perpendicular  line  starting  from 
that  point  in  the  heavens  which  is  our  zenith, 
strikes  those  obliquely  who  are  fifty  degrees  be 
yond  the  equinoctial  line ;  whence  it  appears  that 
190 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

we  are  in  the  direct  line,  and  they,  in  comparison 
with  us,  are  in  the  oblique  one,  and  this  situation 
forms  the  figure  of  a  right-angled  triangle,  of 
which  we  have  the  direct  lines,  as  the  figure  more 
clearly  demonstrates.*  I  have  thus  spoken  with 
sufficient  prolixity  as  to  cosmography. 

Such  are  the  things  which  in  this,  my  last  navi 
gation,  I  have  considered  worthy  of  being  made 
known;  nor  have  I,  without  reason,  called  this 


work  the  ''Third  Journey."  I  have  before  com 
posed  two  other  books  on  navigation  which,  by 
command  of  Ferdinand,  King  of  Castile,  I  per 
formed  in  the  West,  in  which  many  things  not 
unworthy  of  being  made  known  are  particularly 
described ;  especially  those  which  appertain  to  the 
*The  figure  spoken  of  consists  of  two  straight  lines  extending 
from  the  centre  of  the  earth  to  the  sky.  If  the  first  line  strikes 
the  point  in  the  heavens,  which  is  at  our  zenith,  the  second, 
drawn  at  right  angles  with  it,  will  strike  the  zenith  of  a  person 
standing  at  ninety  degrees  distance  from  us.— Ccrnorai,  torn.  i. 
p.  182. 

191 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

glory  of  our  Saviour,  who,  with  marvellous  skill, 
built  this  machine,  the  world.  And,  in  truth,  who 
can  ever  sufficiently  praise  God?  I  have  related 
marvellous  things  concerning  him  in  the  aforesaid 
work.  I  have  stated  briefly  that  which  relates  to 
the  position  and  ornaments  of  the  globe ;  so  that 
when  I  shall  be  more  at  leisure,  I  may  be  able  to 
write  out,  with  greater  care,  a  work  upon  cos 
mography,  in  order  that  future  ages  may  bear  me 
in  remembrance.  Such  works  teach  me  more  fully; 
from  day  to  day,  to  honour  the  Supreme  God, 
and  finally  to  arrive  at  the  knowledge  of  those 
things  which  our  ancestors  and  the  ancient  fathers 
had  no  acquaintance  with.  With  most  humble 
prayers  I  supplicate  our  Saviour,  whose  province 
it  is  to  have  compassion  upon  mortals,  that  he 
will  prolong  my  life  sufficiently,  that  I  may  per 
form  what  I  have  purposed  to  do.  My  three 
journeys  I  think  I  shall  defer  writing  about  in 
full  till  another  time.  Probably,  when  I  have  re 
turned  safe  and  sound  to  my  native  country,  with 
the  aid  and  counsel  of  learned  men,  and  with  the 
encouragement  of  friends,  I  shall  write  with  greater 
care  a  larger  work. 

Your  Excellency  will  pardon  me  for  not  having 
sent  you  the  journals  which  I  kept  from  day  to 
day  in  this  my  last  navigation,  as  I  had  prom 
ised  to  do.  The  king  has  been  the  cause  of  it,  and 
he  still  retains  my  pamphlets.  But  since  I  have 
delayed  performing  this  work  until  the  present 
day,  perhaps  I  shall  add  the  fourth  ''Journey.'' 
I  contemplate  going  again  to  explore  that  south 
ern  part  of  the  New  World ;  and  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  out  such  intention,  two  vessels  are  al 
ready  armed  and  equipped,  and  abundantly  sup 
plied  with  provisions.  I  shall  first  go  eastward, 
before  making  the  voyage  south ;  I  shall  then  sail 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

to  the  southwest,  and  when  I  shall  have  arrived 
there,  I  shall  do  many  things  for  the  praise  and 
glory  of  God,  the  benefit  of  my  native  country, 
the  perpetual  memory  of  my  name,  and  particu 
larly  for  the  honour  and  solace  of  my  old  age, 
which  has  already  nearly  come  upon  me. 

There  is  nothing  wanting  in  this  affair  but  the 
leave  of  the  king;  and  when  this  is  obtained,  as 
it  soon  will  be,  we  shall  sail  on  a  long  voyage, 
and  may  it  please  God  to  give  it  a  happy  ter 
mination. 

Your  Excellency's  Servant, 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


193 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

CONTINUATION  OP  THE  LETTER  TO  PIERO  SODERINI, 

GIVING  A  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  THIRD 

VOYAGE  OF  AMERICUS. 

I  was  reposing  myself  in  Seville,  after  the  many 
toils  I  had  undergone  in  the  two  voyages  made  for 
His  Serene  Highness  Ferdinand,  King  of  Castile,  in 
the  Indies,  yet  indulging  a  willingness  to  return  to 
the  land  of  pearls,  when  fortune,  not  seeming  to 
be  satisfied  with  my  former  labours,  inspired  the 
mind  of  his  Serene  Majesty,  Don  Emmanuel,  King 
of  Portugal  (I  know  not  through  what  circum 
stances),  to  attempt  to  avail  himself  of  my  ser 
vices.  There  came  to  me  a  royal  letter  from  his 
Majesty,  containing  a  solicitation  that  I  would 
come  to  Lisbon  and  speak  with  his  highness,  he 
promising  to  show  me  many  favours.  I  did  not 
at  once  determine  to  go,  and  argued  with  the 
messenger,  telling  him  I  was  ill,  and  indisposed 
for  the  undertaking,  but  that  when  I  recovered, 
if  his  Highness  wished  me  to  serve  him,  I  would 
do  whatever  he  might  command  me. 

Seeing  that  he  could  not  obtain  me,  he  sent 
Juliano  di  Bartolomeo  del  Giocondo,  who  at  that 
time  resided  in  Lisbon,  with  commission  to  use 
every  possible  means  to  bring  me  back  with  him.* 
Juliano  came  to  Seville,  and  on  his  arrival,  and 
induced  by  his  urgent  entreaties,  I  was  persuaded 

*  This  Juliano  was  the  same  individual  who  translated,  from 
Spanish  to  Italian,  and  from  Italian  to  Latin,  this  relation  of  the 
voyage  of  Americus,  as  appears  in  the  Latin  edition  which  Munoz 
speaks  of,  and  in  the  Italian  editions  printed  in  Milan  in  1508 
and  15l9.—Navarrete,  torn.  iii.  p.  263 
194 


AMEB1CUS  VESPUCIUS. 

to  go,  though  my  going  was  looked  upon  with  ill- 
favour  by  all  who  knew  me.  It  was  thus  regarded 
by  my  friends,  because  I  abandoned  Castile,  where 
I  had  been  honoured,  and  because  they  thought 
that  the  king  had  rightful  possession  of  me,  and 
it  was  considered  still  worse  that  I  departed  with 
out  taking  leave  of  my  host. 

Having  presented  myself  at  the  court  of  King 
Emmanuel,  he  appeared  to  be  highly  pleased  with 
my  coming,  and  requested  that  I  would  accom 
pany  his  three  ships  which  were  ready  to  set  out 
for  the  discovery  of  new  lands.  Thus,  esteeming  a 
request  from  a  king  as  equivalent  to  a  command, 
I  was  obliged  to  consent  to  whatever  he  asked  of 
me. 

We  set  sail  from  the  port  of  Lisbon  with  three 
ships  in  company,  on  the  thirteenth*  day  of  May, 
1501,  and  steered  our  course  directly  for  the 
Grand  Canary  Islands,  which  we  passed  without 
stopping,  and  coasted  along  the  western  shores  of 
Africa.  On  this  coast  we  found  excellent  fishing, 
taking  a  kind  of  fish  called  porghies,  and  were 
detained  there  three  days.  From  there  we  went  to 
the  coast  of  Ethiopia,  arriving  at  a  port  called 
Beseneghe,  within  the  Torrid  Zone,  and  situated  in 
the  fourteenth  degree  of  north  latitude,  in  the 
first  climate.  Here  we  remained  eleven  days  tak 
ing  in  wood  and  water— as  it  was  my  intention 
to  sail  for  the  South  through  the  great  Atlantic 
Ocean. 

We  left  this  port  of  Ethiopia,  and  sailed  on  our 
course,  bearing  a  quarter  south,  and  in  ninety-seven 
days  we  made  the  land  at  a  distance  of  seven 
hundred  leagues  from  said  port.  In  those  ninety- 

*  Respecting  the  date  of  the  commencement  of  this  voyage, 
see  notes  of  the  preceding  chapter ;  see  also  the  Dissertazione 
Gtustiflcativa,  No.  19. 

195 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

seven  days  we  had  the  worst  weather  that  ever 
man  experienced  who  navigated  the  ocean ;  a  suc 
cession  of  drenching  rains,  showers,  and  tempests. 
The  season  was  very  unpropitious,  as  our  navi 
gation  was  continually  drawing  us  nearer  the 
equinoctial  line,  where,  in  the  month  of  June,  it 
is  winter,  and  where  we  found  the  days  and  nights 
of  equal  length,  and  our  shadows  falling  contin 
ually  towards  the  south.  It  pleased  God,  however, 
to  show  us  new  land,  on  the  seventeenth  day  of 
August,  at  a  half  a  league  distance  from  which, 
we  anchored.  We  launched  our  boats  and  went 
ashore,  to  see  if  the  country  was  inhabited,  and  if 
so,  by  what  kind  of  people,  and  we  found  at 
length  a  population  far  more  degraded  than 
brutes. 

Your  Excellency  will  understand  that  at  first 
we  did  not  see  any  inhabitants,  though  we  knew 
very  well,  by  the  many  signs  we  saw,  that  the  coun 
try  was  peopled.  We  took  possession  of  it  in  the 
name  of  his  most  Serene  Majesty,  and  found  it  to 
lie  pleasant  and  verdant,  and  of  good  surface,  and 
situated  five  degrees  south  of  the  equinoctial  line ; 
thus  much  we  ascertained,  and  then  returned  to 
the  ships.  On  the  next  day,  as  we  were  in  great 
need  of  wood  and  water,  we  determined  to  go  on 
shore  and  procure  the  necessary  supplies.  While  we 
were  there,  we  saw  people  looking  at  us  from  the 
summit  of  a  mountain,  but  they  did  not  venture 
to  descend.  They  were  naked,  and  of  the  same 
colour  and  figure  as  those  heretofore  discovered  by 
me  for  the  King  of  Spain.  We  made  much  exertion 
to  persuade  them  to  come  and  speak  with  us,  but 
we  could  not  assure  them  sufficiently  to  trust  us. 
Seeing  their  obstinacy  and  malignity,  as  it  was 
growing  late,  we  returned  to  the  ships,  leaving  on 
shore  for  them  many  bells,  looking-glasses,  and 
196 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

other  things,  in  places  where  they  could  find  them. 
When  we  had  gone  away,  they  descended  from  the 
mountain,  and  took  possession  of  the  things  we 
had  left,  appearing  to  be  filled  with  wonder  while 
viewing  them.  So  on  this  day  we  obtained  no  ad 
vantage,  save  that  of  procuring  some  water. 

The  next  morning,  we  saw  from  the  ships  that 
the  people  of  the  country  were  making  many  bon 
fires,  and  thinking  them  signals  for  us  to  come  to 
them,  we  went  on  shore.  We  found  that  many 
people  had  arrived,  but  they  kept  always  at  a 
distance,  though  they  made  sigus  that  they  wished 
us  to  accompany  them  inland. 

Whereupon  two  of  our  Christians  were  induced 
to  ask  the  captain's  permission  to  brave  the  dan 
ger  and  go  with  them,  in  order  to  see  what  kind 
of  people  they  were,  and  whether  they  had  any 
riches,  spices,  or  drugs.  They  importuned  him  so 
much,  that  he  finally  consented.  After  having 
been  fitted  out  with  many  articles  of  trade,  they 
left  us,  with  orders  not  to  be  absent  more  than 
five  days,  as  we  should  expect  them  with  great 
anxiety.  So  they  took  their  way  into  the  country, 
and  we  returned  to  the  ships  to  wait  for  them, 
which  we  did  for  the  space  of  six  days.  Nearly 
every  day  there  came  people  to  the  shore,  but 
they  would  never  speak  with  us. 

On  the  seventh  day  we  landed,  and  found  that 
they  had  brought  their  wives  with  them.  As  we 
reached  the  shore,  the  men  of  the  country  com 
manded  their  women  to  speak  with  us.  We  ob 
served  that  they  hesitated  to  obey  the  order,  and 
accordingly  determined  to  send  one  of  our  people, 
a  very  courageous  young  man,  to  address  them. 
In  order  to  encourage  them,  we  entered  the  boats 
while  he  went  to  speak  with  the  women.  When 
he  arrived,  they  formed  themselves  into  a  great 
197 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

circle  around  him,  touching  him  and  looking  at 
him  as  with  astonishment.  While  all  this  was  go 
ing  on.  we  saw  a  woman  coming  from  the  moun 
tain,  carrying  a  large  club  in  her  hand ;  when  she 
arrived  where  the  young  Christian  stood,  she  came 
up  behind  him,  and  raising  the  bludgeon,  gave 
him  such  a  blow  with  it,  that  she  laid  him  dead 
on  the  spot,  and  immediately  the  other  women 
took  him  by  the  feet  and  dragged  him  away  to 
wards  the  mountain. 

The  men  ran  towards  the  shore  forthwith,  and 
began  to  assail  us  with  their  bows  and  arrows, 
throwing  our  people  into  great  fright,  owing  to 
the  many  arrows  that  reached  them,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  boats  having  grounded.  No  one  re 
sorted  to  arms,  but  for  a  time  all  was  terror  and 
panic.  After  a  while,  however,  we  discharged  four 
swivels  at  them,  which  had  no  other  effect  than 
to  make  them  flee  towards  the  mountain,  when 
they  heard  the  report.  There  we  saw  that  the 
women  had  already  cut  the  young  Christian  in 
pieces,  and  at  a  great  fire  which  they  had  made, 
were  roasting  him  in  our  sight,  showing  us  the 
several  pieces  as  they  eat  them.  The  men  also 
made  signs  to  us.  indicating  that  they  had  killed 
the  other  two  Christians  and  eaten  them  in  the 
same  manner,  which  grieved  us  very  much. 

Seeing  with  our  own  eyes  the  cruelty  they  prac 
tised  towards  the  dead,  and  the  most  intolerable 
injury  they  had  done  to  us,  more  than  forty  of  us 
adopted  the  determination  to  rush  on  shore, 
avenge  such  cruel  murders,  and  punish  such  bestial 
and  inhuman  conduct.  The  Superior  Captain, 
however,  would  not  consent  to  it,  and  thus  they 
remained  satiated  with  the  great  injury  they  had 
done  us ;  and  we  left  them  most  reluctantly,  highly 
chagrined  at  the  course  of  our  Captain. 
198 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

We  departed  from  this  place  and  sailed  along  in 
a  southeastern  direction,  on  a  line  parallel  with 
the  coast,  making  many  landings,  but  never  find 
ing  any  people  who  would  converse  with  us.  Con 
tinuing  in  this  manner,  we  found  at  length  that 
the  line  of  the  coast  made  a  turn  to  the  south,  and 
after  doubling  a  cape  which  we  called  Cape  St. 
Augustin,  we  began  to  sail  in  a  southerly  direc 
tion.  This  cape  is  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues 
distant  easterly  from  the  aforementioned  land 
where  the  three  Christians  were  murdered,  and 
eight  degrees  south  of  the  equinoctial  line.  While 
sailing  on  this  course,  we  one  day  saw  many  peo 
ple  standing  on  the  shore,  apparently  in  great 
wonder  at  the  sight  of  our  ships.  W7e  directed 
our  course  towards  them,  and  having  anchored  in 
a  good  place,  proceeded  to  land  in  the  boats,  and 
found  the  people  better  disposed  than  those  we 
had  passed.  Though  it  cost  us  some  exertion  to 
tame  them,  we  nevertheless  made  them  our  friends, 
and  treated  with  them. 

In  this  place  we  staid  five  days,  and  here  we 
found  cassia  stems  very  large  and  green,  and  some 
already  dry  on  the  tops  of  the  trees.  WTe  deter 
mined  to  take  a  couple  of  men  from  this  place,  in 
order  that  they  might  teach  us  the  language. 
Three  of  them  came  voluntarily  with  us,  in  order 
to  visit  Portugal. 

Being  already  wearied  with  so  much  writing,  I 
will  delay  no  longer  to  inform  your  Excellency 
that  we  left  this  port  and  sailed  continually  in  a 
southerly  direction  in  sight  of  the  shore,  making 
frequent  landings,  and  treating  with  a  great  num 
ber  of  people.  We  went  so  far  to  the  south  that 
we  were  beyond  the  tropic  of  Capricorn,  where  the 
south  pole  is  elevated  thirty-two  degrees  above  the 
horizon.  We  had  tljen  entirely  lost  sight  of  Ursa 
199 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Minor,  and  even  Ursa  Major  was  very  low,  nearly 
on  the  edge  of  the  horizon ;  so  we  steered  by  the 
stars  of  the  south  pole,  which  are  many,  and 
much  larger  and  brighter  than  those  of  the  north. 
I  drew  the  figures  of  the  greater  part  of  them, 
particularly  of  those  of  the  first  and  second  mag 
nitude,  with  a  description  of  the  circles  which 
they  made  around  the  pole,  and  an  account  of 
their  diameters  and  semi-diameters,  as  may  be 
seen  in  my  <;  Quattro  Giornate  "  (Four  Journeys) . 

We  ran  on  this  coast  about  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  leagues;  one  hundred  and  fifty  from  Cape 
St.  Augustin  towards  the  west,  and  six  hundred 
towards  the  south.  If  I  were  to  relate  all  the 
things  that  I  saw  on  this  coast,  and  others  that 
we  passed,  as  many  more  sheets  as  I  have  already 
written  upon,  would  not  be  sufficient  for  the  pur 
pose.  We  saw  nothing  of  utility  on  this  coast, 
save  a  great  number  of  dye-wood  and  cassia  trees, 
and  also  of  those  trees  which  produce  myrrh. 
There  were,  however,  many  natural  curiosities 
which  cannot  be  recounted. 

Having  been  already  full  ten  months  on  the  voy 
age,  and  seeing  that  we  had  found  no  minerals  in 
the  country,  we  concluded  to  take  our  leave  of  it. 
and  attempt  the  ocean  in  some  other  part.  It 
was  determined  in  council  to  pursue  whatever 
course  of  navigation  appeared  best  to  me,  and 
I  was  invested  with  full  command  of  the  fleet. 
I  ordered  that  all  the  people  and  the  fleet  should 
be  provided  with  wood  and  water  for  six  months ; 
as  much  as  the  officers  of  the  ships  should  judge 
it  prudent  to  sail  with.  Having  laid  in  our  pro 
visions,  we  commenced  our  navigation  with  a 
southeasterly  wind,  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  Feb 
ruary,  when  the  sun  was  already  approaching  the 
equinoctial  line,  and  tended  towards  this,  our 
200 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

northern  hemisphere.  We  were  in  such  a  high 
Houthern  latitude  at  this  time  that  the  south  pole 
was  elevated  fifty-two  degrees  above  the  horizon, 
and  we  no  longer  saw  the  stars,  either  of  Ursa 
Minor  or  Ursa  Major. 

On  the  third  of  April  we  had  sailed  five  hundred 
leagues  from  the  port  we  left.  On  this  day  com 
menced  a  storm,  which  was  so  violent  that  we 
were  compelled  to  take  in  all  our  sails,  and  run 
under  bare  poles.  The  wind  was  south  and  very 
strong,  with  very  high  seas,  and  the  air  very  pierc 
ing.  The  storm  was  so  furious  that  the  whole 
fleet  was  in  great  apprehension.  The  nights  were 
very  long,  being  fifteen  hours  in  duration  on  and 
about  the  seventh  of  April,  the  sun  being  then  in 
sign  of  Aries,  and  winter  prevailing  in  this  region. 

Your  Excellency  will  please  to  observe  that 
while  driven  by  this  storm  on  the  seventh  of  April, 
we  came  in  sight  of  new  land,  and  ran  within 
twenty  leagues  of  it,  finding  the  whole  coast  wild, 
and  seeing  neither  harbour  nor  inhabitants.  The 
cold  was  so  severe  that  no  one  in  the  fleet  could 
either  withstand  or  endure  it,  which  I  conceive  to 
be  the  reason  of  this  want  of  population.  Finding 
ourselves  in  such  great  danger,  and  the  storm  so 
violent  that  we  could  hardly  distinguish  one  ship 
from  on  board  another,  on  account  of  the  high 
seas  that  were  running,  and  the  misty  darkness  of 
the  weather,  we  agreed  that  the  Superior  Captain 
should  make  signals  to  the  fleet  to  turn  about, 
and  that  we  should  leave  the  country  and  steer 
our  course  in  the  direction  of  Portugal.  This 
proved  to  be  very  good  counsel,  for  certain  it  is, 
if  we  had  delayed  that  night,  we  should  all  have 
been  lost.  We  took  the  wind  aft,  and  during  the 
night  and  next  day  the  storm  increased  so  much 
that  we  were  very  apprehensive  for  our  safety. 
201 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

and  made  many  vows  of  pilgrimage  and  the  per*, 
formance  of  other  ceremonies  usual  with  mari* 
ners  in  such  weather.* 

We  ran  five  days,  making  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  leagues,  and  continually  approaching  the 
equinoctial  line,  and  finding  the  air  more  mild  and 
the  sea  less  boisterous ;  till  at  last  it  pleased  God  to 
deliver  us  from  this  our  great  danger.  It  was  our 
intention  to  go  and  reconnoitre  the  coast  of  Ethi 
opia,  which  was  thirteen  hundred  leagues  distant 
from  us,  through  the  great  Atlantic  Sea,  and  by 
the  grace  of  God  we  arrived  at  it,  touching  at  a 
southern  port  called  Sierra  Leone,  where  we  staid 
fifteen  days,  obtaining  refreshments. 

From  this  place  we  steered  for  the  Azore  Islands, 
about  seven  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  distant, 
where  we  arrived  in  the  latter  part  of  July,  and 
staid  another  fifteen  days,  taking  some  recreation. 
Then  we  departed  for  Lisbon,  three  hundred 
leagues  distant,  and  situated  farther  west,  which 
port  we  entered  on  the  seventh  of  September,  1502, 
in  good  preservation  (for  which  the  All  Powerful  be 
thanked) ,  with  only  two  ships,  having  burned  the 
other  in  Sierra  Leone,  because  it  was  no  longer 
seaworthy.  In  this  voyage  we  were  absent  about 
fifteen  months,  and  sailed  nearly  eleven  of  them 
without  seeing  the  north  star,  or  either  of  the 
constellations  Ursa  Major  and  Minor,  which  are 
called  the  horn,  steering  meanwhile  by  the  star  of 
the  other  pole.  The  above  is  what  I  saw  in 
this  my  third  voyage,  made  for  his  Serene  High 
ness  the  King  of  Portugal. 

*  The  custom  of  making  vows  of  pilgrimage,  in  case  of  delivery 
from  stormy  weather,  was  very  common  among  the  sailors  of 
that  day.  The  Church  of  St.  Mary  of  Guadaloupe  was  the  favour 
ite  resort  of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  sailors.  "  This  day," 
writes  Lopez,  "many  vows  were  made  and  lots  were  cast,  to 
see  who  should  go  and  visit  the  Holy  Church  of  St.  Mary  of 
Guadaloupe."— Ra/musio,  torn.  I.  p.  145,  C. 
202 


AMERICUS  VESPDCIUS. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

The  return  of  Americus  from  his  third  voyage 
occasioned  great  joy  in  Lisbon.  He  was  received 
with  high  honours  by  King  Emmanuel,  who  cele 
brated  his  safe  arrival  with  much  magnificence. 
His  ship,  which  had  become  unseaworthy,  was 
broken  up,  and  portions  of  it  were  carried  in 
solemn  procession  to  a  church,  where  they  were 
suspended  as  valuable  relics.  Nor  were  the  re 
joicings  and  celebrations  confined  to  Portugal. 
His  own  countrymen  received  the  accounts  of  his 
discoveries  with  exultation.  Public  ceremonies 
were  ordered,  and  honours  were  bestowed  upon 
those  members  of  his  family  who  were  then  in 
Florence. 

Americus  acquired  as  much,  if  not  more  reputa 
tion,  in  consequence  of  his  astronomical  and  geo 
metrical  discoveries  in  his  two  last  voyages,  as  in 
consequence  of  his  exploration  of  new  countries. 
He  was  generally  admitted  to  be  vastly  in  ad 
vance  of  all  the  navigators  of  the  age  in  his  knowl 
edge  of  these  sciences;  and  though  his  calcula 
tions  are  undoubtedly  defective  in  many  points, 
yet  they  are  far  more  accurate  than  those  of 
any  preceding  or  co temporary  mariner. 

"Astronomy,"  says  the  Justificatory  Disserta 
tion,  "had  in  ancient  times  comparatively  very 
little  influence  in  nautical  affairs.  The  wisest 
pilot,  in  his  studies  of  the  planets  and  stars,  was 
limited  to  observations  of  the  phases  of  the  moon, 
in  order  to  foresee  the  tides— to  a  calculation,  in 
the  daytime  of  the  meridian  altitude  of  the  sun, 
203 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

and  in  the  night-time,  to  the  steering  of  his  vessel 
by  the  constellations  of  Ursa  Major  and  Minor. 
Longitude  was  calculated  by  an  inexact  and  pre 
carious  method,  and  no  navigator  considered  it 
necessary  to  know  much  of  the  movements  of 
the  moon  or  the  planets."* 

The  method  of  ascertaining  longitude  at  sea, 
by  observing  the  conjunction  of  the  moon  with  a 
planet,  was  one  of  his  most  important  discoveries. 
The  fact  that  these  conjunctions  were  observed 
to  take  place  at  different  hours  in  different  places, 
had  long  been  known.  The  astronomer  and  cos- 
mographer,  Ptolomey,  the  highest  authority  in 
those  days,  reporting,  among  other  things,  a  con 
junction  of  the  moon  with  Spiga,  gave  notice  that 
the  phenomenon,  which  was  observed  in  Rome  at 
five  o'clock,  appeared  in  Alexandria  at  6.20;  but 
neither  he,  nor  the  many  philosophers  who,  after 
him,  meditated  upon  the  subject,  thought  of  ren 
dering  such  a  conjunction  available  for  the  fixing 
of  longitude  at  sea.t 

To  Americus,  therefore,  belongs  the  honour  of 
applying  this  method  for  the  first  time;  and  it 
is  by  no  means  improbable  that,  by  his  writings, 
as  well  as  by  those  of  the  astronomer  of  Alexan 
dria,  Galileo  may  have  been  led  to  apply,  to  the 
same  purpose,  the  frequent  eclipses  of  the  small 
planets  which  he  discovered  revolving  round  Ju 
piter. 

The  observations  and  enumeration  of  the  stars 
which  Americus  made,  added  greatly  to  his  fame, 
and  were  of  infinite  service  to  future  mariners. 
The  voyagers  of  that  day  to  the  South  were  great 
ly  alarmed  at  not  finding  in  the  southern  heavens 
a  guide  like  the  polar  star  of  the  North.  Vicente 

*Diss.  Gius.No.88. 
tJbid.No.92.    Almag.  L.  vii.  c.  3. 
204 


AMEBICUS  VESPUC1US. 

Pinson,  who  navigated  in  the  same  direction,  and 
at  about  the  same  time  with  Americus,  expected 
to  find  one,  and  in  his  dismay  at  its  absence,  at 
tributed  it  to  some  swelling  of  the  earth's  surface, 
which  hid  it  from  his  view.  Nothing  was  then  known 
of  the  beautiful  constellation  which  supplies  its 
place  to  mariners  in  the  Antarctic  seas.  The  "many 
sleepless  nights"  which  Americus  devoted  to  the 
examination  of  the  Southern  Cross,  and  other 
heavenly  bodies  of  the  same  hemisphere,  the  many 
laborious  calculations  which  he  entered  into,  when, 
in  the  words  of  his  favourite  poet, 

Each  star  of  the  other  pole,  night  now  beheld 
And  ours  so  low,  that  from  the  ocean  floor 
It  rose  not ;— * 

must  have  been  well  repaid  by  the  convictions 
he  arrived  at,  and  the  fame  which  he  acquired  as 
an  accurate  astronomer.  It  is  evident  from  his 
writings  that  he  was  not  insensible  to  the  natural 
feelings  of  honourable  ambition,  and  considered 
not  only  the  benefits  he  was  conferring  upon  man 
kind,  but  looked  forward  to  acquiring  a  reputa 
tion  which  might  be  the  comfort  and  consolation 
of  his  old  age. 

Actuated  by  the  belief  that  Americus  would  have 
succeeded  in  reaching  India  by  the  way  of  the 
southwest,  had  not  his  last  voyage  been  inter 
rupted  by  the  severe  storms  which  he  encountered, 
King  Emmanuel  lost  no  time  in  preparing  another 
expedition.  Americus  is  as  silent  as  usual  respect 
ing  the  commander  of  the  new  fleet;  but  though 
he  does  not  mention  his  name,  it  is  a  well-ascer 
tained  fact  that  Gonzalo  Coelho  held  the  chief 
command  of  the  six  vessels  which  composed  the 
armament,  and  that  only  one  of  them  was  com 
manded  by  himself.  This  fleet  was  ready  for  sea 
*  Carey's  Dante,  Purgatory,  Canto  xxvl. 
205 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

early  in  the  spring  of  1503,  and  the  principal 
object  of  the  voyage  was  to  discover  the  island 
Malacca,  then  supposed  to  be  the  centre  of  com 
merce  in  the  East  Indies.  The  narration  of  this 
voyage  occupies  the  closing  portion  of  the  letter 
of  Americus  to  Soderini.  Disgusted  with  the  fool 
ish  obstinacy  of  his  commander,  and  discouraged 
by  the  effects  of  his  wilfulness,  he  evidently  wishes 
to  escape  from  so  disagreeable  a  subject,  and  is 
more  than  usually  concise. 


206 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CONCLUSION 

OF  THE  LETTER  TO   PIERO  SODERINI,  GIVING  AN  AC- 
COUNT  OF  THE  FOURTH  VOYAGE  OF  AMERICUS. 

It  remains  for  me  to  relate  the  things  which 
were  seen  by  me,  in  my  Fourth  Voyage;  and  by 
reason  that  I  have  now  become  wearied,  and  also 
because  this  voyage  did  not  result  according  to 
my  wishes  (in  consequence  of  a  misfortune  which 
happened  in  the  Atlantic  Sea,  as  your  Excellency 
will  shortly  understand).  I  shall  endeavour  to  be 
brief. 

We  set  sail  from  this  port  of  Lisbon,  six  ships 
in  company,  for  the  purpose  of  making  discoveries 
with  regard  to  an  island  in  the  East,  called  Malac 
ca,  which  is  reported  to  be  very  rich.*  It  is,  as  it 
were,  the  warehouse  of  all  the  ships  which  come 
from  the  Sea  of  Ganges  and  the  Indian  Ocean,  as 
Cadiz  is  the  storehouse  for  all  the  ships  that  pass 
from  East  to  West  and  from  West  to  East,  by  the 
way  of  Calcutta.  This  Malacca  is  farther  east, 
and  much  farther  south,  than  Calcutta,  because 
we  know  that  it  is  situated  at  the  parallel  of  three 
degrees  north  latitude.  We  set  out  on  the  tenth 
day  of  May,  1503,  and  sailed  direct  for  the  Cape 
Verd  Islands,  where  we  made  up  our  cargo,  taking 
in  every  kind  of  refreshment.  After  remaining 

*  "All  this  period,"  says  Canovai,  "is  strangely  disfigured  in 
the  edition  of  Valori.  Instead  of  East,  West  is  written ;  the  Arc 
tic  pole  is  changed  to  the  Antarctic,  and  the  three  degrees  by 
which  Malacca  is  separated  from  the  equator,  are  there  read 
thirty-three.  From  this  may  be  inferred  the  credit  to  which  this 
edition  is  entitled,  if  there  was  a  shadow  of  criticism  in  those 
who  regard  it  as  infallible."— Canovai,  torn.  ii.  p.  26. 
207 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

here  three  days,  we  departed  on  our  voyage,  sail 
ing  in  a  southerly  direction. 

Our  Superior  Captain  was  a  presumptuous  and 
very  obstinate  man;  he  would  insist  upon  going 
to  reconnoitre  Sierra  Leone,  a  southern  country 
of  Ethiopia,  without  there  being  any  necessity  for 
it,  unless  to  exhibit  himself  as  the  captain  of  six 
vessels.  He  acted  contrary  to  the  wish  of  all  our 
other  captains  in  pursuing  this  course.  Sailing  in 
this  direction,  when  we  arrived  off  the  coast  of 
this  country,  we  had  such  bad  weather,  that 
though  we  remained  in  sight  of  the  coast  four  days, 
it  did  not  permit  us  to  attempt  a  landing.  We 
were  compelled  at  length  to  leave  the  country,  sail 
ing  from  there  to  the  south,  and  bearing  southwest. 

When  we  had  sailed  three  hundred  leagues 
through  the  Great  Sea,  being  then  three  degrees 
south  of  the  equinoctial  line,  land  was  discovered, 
which  might  have  been  about  twenty-two  leagues 
distant  from  us,  and  which  we  found  to  be  an 
island  in  the  midst  of  the  sea.  We  were  filled  with 
wonder  at  beholding  it,  considering  it  a  natural 
curiosity,  as  it  was  very  high,  and  not  more  than 
two  leagues  in  length  and  one  in  width.  This  isl 
and  was  not  inhabited  by  any  people,  and  was 
an  evil  island  for  the  whole  fleet ;  because,  as  your 
Excellency  will  learn,  by  the  evil  counsel  and  bad 
management  of  our  Superior  Captain,  he  lost  his 
ship  here.  He  ran  her  upon  a  rock,  and  she  split 
open  and  went  to  the  bottom,  on  the  night  of 
St.  Lorenzo,  which  is  the  tenth  of  August,  and 
nothing  was  saved  from  her  except  the  crew.  She 
was  a  ship  of  three  hundred  tons,  and  carried 
every  thing  of  most  importance  in  the  fleet. 

As  the  whole  fleet  was  compelled  to  labour  for 
the  common  benefit,  the  Captain  ordered  me  to 
go  with  my  ship  to  the  aforesaid  island,  and  look 
208 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

for  a  good  harbour,  where  all  the  ships  might 
anchor.  As  my  boat,  filled  with  nine  of  my  mari 
ners,  was  of  service,  and  helped  to  keep  up  a  com 
munication  between  the  ships,  he  did  not  wish  me 
to  take  it,  telling  me  they  would  bring  it  to  me  at 
the  island.  So  I  left  the  fleet,  as  he  ordered  me, 
without  a  boat,  and  with  less  than  half  my  men, 
and  went  to  the  said  island,  about  four  leagues 
distant.  There  I  found  a  very  good  harbour, 
where  all  the  ships  might  have  anchored  in  per 
fect  safety.  I  waited  for  the  captain  and  the  fleet 
full  eight  days,  but  they  never  came ;  so  that  we 
were  very  much  dissatisfied,  and  the  people  who 
remained  with  me  in  the  ship  were  in  such  great 
fear,  that  I  could  not  console  them.  On  the 
eighth  day  we  saw  a  ship  coming  off  at  sea,  and 
for  fear  those  on  board  might  not  see  us,  we 
raised  anchor  and  went  towards  it,  thinking  they 
might  bring  me  my  boat  and  men.  When  we  ar 
rived  alongside,  after  the  usual  salutations,  they 
told  us  that  the  Captain  had  gone  to  the  bot 
tom,  that  the  crew  had  been  saved,  and  that  my 
boat  and  men  remained  with  the  fleet,  which  had 
gone  further  to  sea.  This  was  a  very  serious  griev 
ance  to  us,  as  your  Excellency  may  well  think.  It 
was  no  trifle  to  find  ourselves  a  hundred  leagues  dis 
tant  from  Lisbon,  in  mid-ocean,  with  so  few  men. 
However,  we  bore  up  under  adverse  fortune, 
and  returning  to  the  island,  supplied  ourselves 
with  wood  and  water  with  the  boat  of  my  con 
sort.  This  island  we  found  uninhabited.  It  had 
plenty  of  fresh  water,  and  an  abundance  of  trees 
filled  with  countless  numbers  of  land  and  marine 
birds,  which  were  so  simple,  that  they  suffered 
themselves  to  be  taken  with  the  hand.  We  took 
so  many  of  them  that  we  loaded  a  boat  with 
them.  We  saw  no  other  animals,  except  some 
14  209 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

very  large  rats,  and  lizards  with  two  tails,  and 
some  snakes. 

Having  taken  in  our  supplies,  we  departed  for 
the  southwest,  as  we  had  an  order  from  the  king, 
that  if  any  vessel  of  the  fleet,  or  its  captain, 
should  be  lost,  I  should  make  for  the  land  of  my 
last  voyage.  We  discovered  a  harbour  which  we 
called  the  Bay  of  All  Saints,  and  it  pleased  God 
to  give  us  such  good  weather,  that  in  seventeen 
days  we  arrived  at  it.  *  It  was  distant  three  hun 
dred  leagues  from  the  island  we  had  left,  and  we 
found  neither  our  captain  nor  any  other  ship  of  the 
fleet  in  the  course  of  the  voyage.  We  waited  full 
two  months  and  four  days  in  this  harbour,  and 
seeing  that  no  orders  came  for  us,  we  agreed,  my 
consort  and  myself,  to  run  along  the  coaet. 

We  sailed  two  hundred  and  sixty  leagues  further, 
and  arrived  at  a  harbour  where  we  determined  to 
build  a  fortress.  This  we  accomplished,  and  left 
in  it  the  twenty-four  men  that  my  consort  had  re 
ceived  from  the  captain's  ship  which  was  lost. 

In  this  port  we  staid  five  months,  building  the 
fortress  and  loading  our  ships  with  dye-wood.  We 
could  not  proceed  farther  for  want  of  men,  and  be 
sides,  I  was  destitute  of  many  equipments.  Thus, 
having  finished  our  labours,  we  determined  to  re 
turn  to  Portugal,  leaving  the  twenty-four  men  in 
the  fortress,  with  provisions  for  six  months,  with 
twelve  pieces  of  cannon,  and  many  other  arms. 
We  made  peace  with  all  the  people  of  the  country, 
who  have  not  been  mentioned  in  this  voyage,  but 
not  because  we  did  not  see  and  treat  with  a  great 
number  of  them.  As  many  as  thirty  men  of  us 
went  forty  leagues  inland,  where  we  saw  so  many 
things,  that  I  omit  to  relate  them,  reserving  them 
for  my  "Four  Journeys." 

*  This  bay  still  retains  the  name  given  to  it  by  Americui. 
210 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

This  country  is  situated  eighteen  degrees  south 
of  the  equinoctial  line,  and  fifty-seven  degrees  far 
ther  west  than  Lisbon,  as  our  instruments  showed 
UB.  All  this  being  performed,  we  bid  farewell  to 
the  Christians  we  left  behind  us.  and  to  the  coun 
try,  and  commenced  our  navigation  on  a  north- 
northeast  course,  with  the  intention  of  sailing 
directly  to  this  city  of  Lisbon.  In  seventy-seven 
days,  after  many  toils  and  dangers,  we  entered 
this  port  on  the  eighteenth  day  of  June,  1504. 
for  which  God  be  praised.  We  were  well  received, 
although  altogether  unexpected,  as  the  whole 
city  had  given  us  up  for  lost.  All  the  other  ships 
of  the  fleet  had  been  lost  through  the  pride  and 
folly  of  our  commander,  and  thus  it  is  that  God 
rewards  haughtiness  and  vanity. 

At  present  I  find  myself  here  in  Lisbon  again, 
and  I  do  not  know  what  the  king  will  wish  me  to 
do,  but  I  am  very  desirous  of  obtaining  repose. 
The  bearer  of  this,  who  is  Benvenuto  di  Domenico 
Benvenuti,  will  tell  your  Excellency  of  my  condition, 
and  of  any  other  things  which  have  been  omitted 
to  avoid  prolixity,  but  which  I  have  seen  and  ex 
perienced.  I  have  abbreviated  the  letter  as  much 
as  I  could,  and  omitted  to  say  many  things  very 
natural  to  be  told,  that  I  might  not  be  tedious. 
Your  Excellency  will  pardon  me,  as  I  beg  you  will 
consider  me  of  the  number  of  your  servants.  Al 
low  me  to  commend  to  you  Sr.  Antonio  Vespucci, 
my  brother,  and  all  my  family.  I  remain,  pray 
ing  God  that  he  may  prolong  your  life,  and  pros 
per  that  exalted  republic  of  Florence,  and  the 
honour  of  your  Excellency, 

Your  very  humble  servant, 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Dated  in  Lisbon,  the  4th  of  September,  1504. 
211 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Thus  ended  the  last  voyage  of  Americus.  Desi 
rous  of  repose,  and  perhaps  somewhat  disheart 
ened  by  its  unfortunate  result,  he  abandoned,  for 
the  present,  all  ideas  of  again  proceeding  to  sea, 
and  devoted  himself  to  the  task  of  writing  full  ac 
counts  of  his  discoveries.  It  is  greatly  to  be  re 
gretted  that  the  works  to  which  he  makes  allusion 
have  not  been  preserved  for  the  benefit  of  the 
world,  for  it  is  evident,  by  the  way  in  which  he 
speaks  of  them,  that  they  contained  more  ample 
accounts  than  the  letters.  The  spirit  of  research 
may  yet  lead  some  industrious  antiquarian  to  the 
discovery  of  those  documents,  the  loss  of  which 
are  most  to  be  deplored,  his  manuscript  journals. 
There  are  yet  unexplored,  large  quantities  of  doc 
uments  and  records  relating  to  the  discovery  of 
America,  and  each  day  brings  to  light  some  new 
fact  to  illustrate  the  history  of  that  great  event. 


212 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Americus  remained  in  Portugal  but  a  short 
time  after  his  unexpected  return  from  his  fourth 
voyage.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1504,  he 
returned  to  Seville,  and  in  February,  1505,  he 
left  that  city,  on  his  way  to  the  court,  which  was 
then  held  at  Segovia,  bearing  the  letter  from  Co 
lumbus  to  his  son,  which  appears  in  a  previous 
chapter.  The  Admiral  had  arrived  from  his  last 
voyage  only  a  few  months  previously.  Worn 
down  by  neglect  and  the  infirmities  of  age,  it  was 
difficult  to  imagine  him  the  same  man  who  was 
once  treated  with  such  high  honour  by  monarchs 
and  nobles.  He  afforded  a  melancholy  proof  of 
the  ingratitude  of  kings,  and  was  then  pleading 
for  rights  of  which  he  had  been  iniquitously  de 
prived,  like  a  criminal  before  his  judge— his  claims 
treated  with  indifference— while  the  intrigues  of  his 
foes  led  every  day  to  fresh  injuries. 

The  death  of  his  ever-kind  protectress,  the  Queen 
Isabella,  which  took  place  a  few  days  after  his 
own  arrival,  was  a  severe  blow  to  the  Admiral, 
and  completed  the  long  list  of  disasters  which 
had  befallen  him  in  his  old  age.  While  she  lived, 
some  hope  of  obtaining  justice  seemed  left  to  him ; 
but  his  cause,  which  had  languished  during  her 
illness,  became  hopeless  when  she  was  no  more. 
Still  Americus,  animated  by  warm  feelings  of  re 
spect  and  admiration  for  the  great  discoverer, 
zealously  offered  to  render  him  all  the  assistance 
in  his  power  at  court,  and  the  proposal  was  as 
frankly  accepted  as  it  was  freely  made.* 
*  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  856,  857, 
213 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Whether  the  death  of  the  queen  had  any  effect 
upon  the  fortunes  of  Americus,  there  are  no  means 
of  determining.  It  would  appear  that  it  had  a 
favourable  influence,  if  the  opinion  of  his  Italian 
biographers  is  followed,  who  hold  to  the  suppo 
sition  that  Americus  was  more  of  a  favourite 
with  the  king  than  with  his  consort.  His  return, 
so  closely  succeeding  the  death  of  Isabella,  lends 
a  semblance  of  plausibility  to  their  views ;  and  the 
favour  which  was  shown  him  at  court  is  another 
circumstance  tending  to  corroborate  them.* 

Navarrete  inclines  to  the  opinion,  that  Americus 
was  sent  for  by  King  Ferdinand,  in  order  that  he 
might  obtain  information  from  him  of  the  plans 
and  projects  of  the  Portuguese  government,  as 
well  in  relation  to  their  expeditions  to  the  shores 
of  the  New  World,  as  to  the  progress  they  were 
making  in  their  voyages  and  establishments  in  the 
East  Indies.f  So  far  from  noticing  with  displeas 
ure  his  clandestine  departure  from  Spain,  on  the 
llth  day  of  April,  1505,  the  king  made  him  a 
grant  of  12,000  maravedis;  and  on  the  24th  of 
the  same  month,  letters  of  naturalization  in  his 
behalf  were  issued,  in  consideration,  as  they  recite, 
of  his  fidelity  and  many  valuable  services  to  the 
crown.J 

Being  thus  qualified  to  serve  the  king  in  the 
capacity  of  a  commander,  preparations  were  com 
menced,  by  the  orders  of  government,  for  a  new 
expedition.  Americus  and  Vicente  Yafiez  Pin- 
zon  were  named  the  commanders.  The  spirit  of 
discovery  was  aroused  again  in  the  mind  of  Ameri 
cus,  and  he  set  out  for  the  ports  of  Palos  and 

*  Canovai,  torn.  ii.  p.  48-50. 
t  Navarrete,  torn.  ill.  p.  320. 

%  See  Illustrations  and  Documents.  Translation  of  Documents 
from  Navarre'te. 

214 


AMER1CUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Moguer,  where  he  remained  through  the  month  of 
May,  to  see  and  consult  with  his  colleague,  in 
relation  to  the  necessary  wants  of  the  expedition. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  the  representations  of 
Americus  alone  led  to  this  new  enterprise,  and 
Pinzon  was  the  most  proper  person  to  associate 
with  him  in  the  undertaking;  for  he  had  already 
been  upon  the  coast  of  Brazil,  which  was  the 
destination  of  the  fleet.*  In  fact,  all  the  claims 
of  Spain  to  any  part  of  that  region  rested  upon  a 
previous  voyage  of  Pinzon,  who,  in  1500,  had 
taken  possession  of  the  more  northern  part,  in 
the  name  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  name  of  America 
began  to  be  first  used,  and  was  applied  to  the 
countries  which  Americus  visited  in  his  last  voy 
ages.  The  assertion  has  been  made,  that  soon 
after  his  return  to  Spain  he  prepared  a  chart,  in 
which  the  coast  of  Brazil  was  delineated  and 
called  by  the  name  of  America ;  but  it  is  unsup 
ported  by  any  verifying  evidence  or  authority. 
If  he  had  done  this,  however,  it  would  be  no 
sufficient  reason  to  justify  his  calumniators  in 
their  charges  against  him  of  dishonourable  treat 
ment  of  Columbus.  It  was  a  custom  then,  and 
has  continued  a  custom  ever  since,  for  discoverers 
to  call  after  themselves  some  prominent  place, 
river,  or  mountain,  fallen  in  with  in  the  course  of 
their  explorations.  Americus  never  could  have  im 
agined  the  extended  signification  which  the  name 
was  afterwards  destined  to  attain,  and  the  in 
justice  of  those  who,  as  has  been  remarked  in 
a  previous  chapter,  attribute  to  him  the  crime  of 
falsifying  the  date  of  his  first  voyage,  with  this 
end  in  view,  is  apparent  to  any  one  who  is  not 

*  Navarr^te,  torn.  ill.  p.  331. 
215 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

ignorant  of  the  limited  application  of  the  name  in 
the  first  instance.* 

"  We  may  conjecture,"  says  the  writer  of  an  able 
critical  article  in  the  North  American  Review  for 
April,  1821,  which  has  afforded  great  assistance  in 
the  preparation  of  this  work,  by  its  valuable  sug 
gestions  and  references,  "we  may  conjecture,  with 
a  great  degree  of  certainty,  that  on  Vespucci's  re 
turn  from  his  last  voyage,  the  coast  which  he  had 
visited  began  to  pass  by  his  name.  Two  reasons 
may  be  given  why  this  honour  should  have  been 
conferred  on  him,  rather  than  on  his  superior 
officers.  One  reason  is,  that,  although  he  was  not 
first  in  command,  yet  his  preeminence  in  nautical 
and  geographical  knowledge  gave  him  that  con 
trol  over  the  proceedings  of  the  rest,  which  men  of 
strong  minds  inevitably  acquire  in  moments  of 
difficulty  and  danger.  Indeed,  we  find  that  he 
came  back  from  his  fourth  voyage,  when  Coelho, 
with  the  greater  part  of  the  squadron,  had  per 
ished,  and  when  he  himself  was  no  longer  expected, 
in  which  circumstances  it  would  be  perfectly  nat 
ural  for  the  Portuguese  to  attribute  to  him  the 
sole  merit  of  the  discovery  of  Brazil.  The  second 
reason  is,  that,  as  Vespucci  was  highly  skilled  in 
the  construction  of  charts,  and  as  those  which  he 
made  were  held  in  great  esteem,  he  may,  in  de 
picting  the  coast  of  Brazil,  have  given  it  the  name 
of  America."! 

The  first  suggestion  of  the  name  which  appears 
in  print  was  probably  contained  in  the  Latin 
work  on  Cosmography,  by  Ilacomilo,  being  the 

*  N.  A.  Review,  April,  1821,  p.  339. 

t "  P.  Martyr  informs  us  he  had  seen  a  Portuguese  chart  of 
parts  of  the  New  World  in  the  construction  of  which  Vespucci 
assisted."— Ocean.  Decad.  p.  199.    See  likewise  Memorias  de 
lAUeratura  Portugueza,  torn.  iii.  p.  339. 
216 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

edition  of  Gruniger,  printed  in  Strasburg  in  1509, 
from  which  Navarrete  makes  his  translation  of  the 
letter  to  Soderini.  Navarrete  says,  that  in  the 
ninth  chapter  of  this  work,  the  author,  after  de 
scribing  the  situation  of  the  different  portions  of 
the  world,  places  first  the  three  which  were  known 
to  Ptolomey,  and  proceeds  with  the  following 
suggestion,  alluding  to  the  voyages  printed  as  a 
continuation  of  his  cosmography,  "Nunc  vero 
et  hae  partee  sunt  latius  lustratse,  et  alia  quarta 
pars,  per  Americum  Vesputium,  ut  in  sequentibus 
audietur,  inventa  est;  quam  non  video  cur  quis 
jure  vetet  ab  Americo  inventore,  sagacis  ingenii 
viro,  Amerigem  quasi  Americi  terrain  sive  Ameri- 
cam  dicendam,  cum  et  Europa  et  Asia  a  mulieri- 
bus  sua  sortitaB  sint  nomina." 

This  passage  is  not  the  only  one  in  the  work 
which  suggests  the  same  thing.  In  the  seventh 
chapter,  which  treats  of  the  different  climates  of 
the  world,  the  author  speaks  of  "the  fourth  part 
of  the  world,  which  may  be  called  Amerige  or 
America,  because  discovered  by  Americus."* 

The  article  above  quoted  says  that  "the  earliest 
mention  which  the  industry  of  authors  has  been 
able  to  detect,  of  the  word  America,  is  about  the 
year  1514,  in  a  letter  written  by  Joachim  Vadi- 
anus,  a  Swiss  scholar,  known  by  his  Commentary 
on  Pomponius  Mela.  His  words  are,  'Si  Ameri- 
cam,  a  Vespuccio  repertam,  et  eum  Eose  Terras 
partem,  quse  terrae  Ptolomaeo  cognitse  adjecta 
est,  ad  longitudinis  habitatae  rationem  referrimus, 
longe  ultra  hemisphaerium  habitari  terrain  con- 
stat.'  "t 

*  Navarrete,  torn.  111.  p.  184. 

t  "Joachim.  Vadian.  Epist.  ad  Rudol.  Agrtcolam,  ad  calcem 
Pomponii  Melae  de  situ  orbis,"  ed.  fol.  1530.  Latet  Parisiorum* 
in  the  Boston  Atheneum." 

217 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

The  name  does  not  seem  to  have  come  into  gen 
eral  use  until  after  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century;  but  it  is  occasionally  met  with  before 
that  time;  and  Canovai  cites  a  treatise  on  the 
elements  of  Geography,  printed  at  Venice  in  1535, 
in  which  it  is  doubted  whether  the  word  America 
should  be  employed,  or  not  rather  Amerige.* 
But  what  deserves  to  be  particularly  noticed  is 
the  remarkable  fact,  that  the  name  was  not  orig 
inally  applied  to  the  whole  continent,  but  only 
to  that  part  of  it  which  is  now  denominated 
Brazil.  This  can  be  made  to  appear  by  the  most 
ample  testimony.  We  pass  over  the  authority  of 
Spaniards,  who  once  proposed  to  call  this  country 
Fer-Isabellica,  from  the  sovereigns  under  whose 
auspices  it  was  discovered,  and  who,  to  this  day, 
entertain  a  sort  of  horror  of  the  word  America, 
almost  invariably  speaking  of  the  New  World  or 
the  Indies.!  Looking  therefore  into  Cademosto, 
P.  Martyr,  Benzoni,  and  Grinseus,  we  find  that 
each  of  them  uses  the  term  Novus  Orbis,  where 
we  should  use  America.  In  most  of  the  maps 
published  between  1510  and  1570  America  is  ap 
plied  in  the  limited  sense  we  have  stated.  Thus 
Munster,  whose  Cosmographia,  printed  in  1550, 
was  long  a  text-book  in  Geography,  has  a  map 
of  the  world,  in  which,  towards  the  west  of  Europe 
appear  Terra  Florida,  then,  a  little  below,  Cuba, 
then  Hispaniola,  and  a  little  south  of  the  line, 
Americae  vel  Brasillii  Insula.  In  another  map  of 
Munster's,  which  is  entitled  Novus  Orbis,  are 
found  grouped  together  Terra  Florida,  Cuba,  His- 

*  Canovai,  Dlss.  Gius.  No.  51. 

i  "Plzarro,  Varones  Illustres  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  p.  51.  Others 
have  proposed  to  call  It  Orbis  Carolinus,  as  a  compliment  to  the 
Emperor  Charles  V."— See  Sotorzano,  Politico,  Indiana,  L.  i. 
C.  ii.  S.  18. 

218 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

paniola,  Jamaica,  Farias,  and  lastly,  Insula  At- 
lantica,  quern  vocant  Brasilii  et  Americam.* 

In  a  map  of  the  world,  prefixed  to  the  GrinEeus 
of  1555.  the  western  part  is  occupied  with  a  num 
ber  of  islands,  which,  beginning  with  the  farthest 
north,  are  named  Terra  Cortesia,  Terra  de  Cuba, 
Isabella,  Spagnolla,  Insulse  Antiglise,  Zipangru, 
and  then  America,  an  island  considerably  larger 
than  either  of  the  others,  on  the  northern  extrem 
ity  of  which  is  printed  Farias,  on  the  western, 
Cannibali,  and  on  the  southern,  Prisilia.  If  the 
last  word,  Prisilia,  refers  to  Brazil,  it  would  seem 
that  some  geographers  had  begun  to  distinguish 
it  as  a  part  of  America.  The  same  edition  of 
Grinseus  contains  a  brief  introduction  to  geog 
raphy,  in  which  occurs  the  following  sentence : 
Insulas  occidentals,  nempe  Hispanam,  Joannam, 
iSpagnollam,  Cubam,  Isabellam,  Antiglias,  Canni- 
balorum  Terrain.  Americam.  et  reliquas  incog 
nitas  terras  primi  mortalium  adinvenerunt  Chris- 
tophorus  Columbus  et  Albericus  Vesputius.t 

Similar  quotations  can  easily  be  multiplied. 
Thus  Comes  Natalis,  who  flourished  about  1680. 
speaking  of  the  famous  expedition  of  the  Hugue 
nots  under  Villegagnon,  says,  that  the  French 
called  Brazil  America,  because  it  was  discovered 
by  Amerigo  Vespucci.}  Jean  de  Lery,  a  Hugue 
not  minister,  who  visited  Villegagnon's  settlement 
in  1550,  and  twenty  years  afterwards  published  a 

*  Canoval,  Diss.  Gius.  n.  76. 

t  Novus  orbis  Reglonum  ac  Insularum  veterribus  incognitarum, 
fol.  The  first  edition  of  this  work,  printed  in  1533,  is  very  rare. 
The  one  made  use  of  is  the  edition  of  1555,  printed  at  Basle  by 
Hervagius.  A  copy  is  to  be  found  in  the  Library  of  the  New 
York  Historical  Society. 

*  "Comes  Natalis.  Hist.  S.  Temp.  p.  139,  as  quoted  by  Can- 
oval,  Diss.  Gius.  n.  75.    See  also  Southey's  Brazil,  vol.  i.  p.  272, 
note." 

219 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

very  amusing  account  of  his  voyage,  entitles  it  a 
history  of  a  voyage  to  Brazil,  which  is  also  called 
America.  * 

The  present  use  of  the  term  seems  to  have  been 
established  soon  after  this  time :  for  Ortelius,  in 
his  Theatrum  Orbis  Ten-arum,  applies  the  words 
America  and  Bresilia,  as  we  do  now.  and  delineates 
the  geography  of  this  continent  with  tolerable  ac 
curacy,  f  But  the  original  signification  was  not 
immediately  forgotten,  as  we  perceive  in  Gaspar 
Ensl's  History  of  the  West  Indies,  where  he  says 
that  the  name  of  America  was  originally  given  to 
the  countries  explored  by  Vespucius,  although 
afterwards,  on  account  of  the  dye-wood  found 
there,  common  usage  superadded  the  name  of 
Brazil.  J  We  will  only  add  to  these  citations  the 
authority  of  Kocha  Pitta  and  Barbosa,  who,  in  no 
ticing  Pedro  Alvarez  Cabral,  remark  that  the  name 
of  Santa  Cruz,  which  Cabral  gave  the  country  he 
accidentally  discovered,  was  afterwards  changed 
into  America,  on  account  of  the  charts  of  it  de 
lineated  by  Vespucci,  and  finally  into  Brazil,  from 
its  producing  the  Brazil  wood."§ 

*  "Historia  navigations  in  Brazilian!,  quae  et  America  dicitur 
de  a  Joanne  Lerio,  Burgundo,  Gallice  Scripta,  nunc  vero  primum 
Latinitate  donata,"  Ac.  1558, 12mo. 

t"  Theatrum  orbis  terrarum,  fol.  Antuerpiae  1584.  Apud 
Christopher.  Plautinum." 

* "  Gaspar  Ensl,  Indite  Occidental^  Historia,  Colonise  1612, 
12mo,  p.  130." 

§  " '  Para  eterno  monumento  da  sua  piedade,  Intitulou  Pedro 
Alvarez  a  nova  terra  com  a  religiosa  antonomasia  de  S.  Cruz, 
que  depois  se  mudou  em  America,  por  ter  demarcado  as  terras 
e  costas  maritiinas  della  Amerigo  Vespucci,  insigne  cosmographo, 
e  ultlmamente  Brazil,  pela  producao  da  Madeira,  que  tern  cor  de 
brazas.— Barbosa,  Bibliotheca  Lusitaua,  torn.  iii.  p,  554. 
Rocha  Pitta  is  no  less  explicit :  'Este  foy,'  says  he,  'a  primiero 
descobrimento,  este  o  primiero  nome  desta  regio,  que  depois  es- 
quecida  de  titulo  ta5  superior,  se  chamou  America,  por  Americo 
Vespucio,  e  ultimamente  Brazil,  pelo  pao  vermelho,  ou  cor  de 
brazas,  que  produz.'— Hist,  da  America  Portugueza,  p.  6." 
220 


AMERICDS  VESPUCIUS. 

Canovai  is  of  opinion,  that  the  name  origi 
nated  from  the  royal  letters-patent  which  were 
issued  by  the  king  when  Americus  was  appointed 
to  the  office  of  chief  pilot,  through  which  it  came 
into  general  use  in  Europe,  as  it  were  under  the 
sanction  of  royal  authority.  That  the  appoint 
ment  of  Americus  to  this  office  aided  in  fixing  the 
name  permanently  upon  Brazil,  may  have  been 
the  case ;  but  it  is  apparent,  from  the  statements 
above,  that  the  Italian  biographer  is  partially  in 
error  in  his  idea,  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the 
Spanish  king  to  confer  the  name  as  a  mark  of 
honour,  and  that  the  world  acquiesced  in  the  de 
cision,  considering  it  a  just  reward  of  the  ser 
vices  of  the  discoverer.*  In  his  desire  to  defend 
his  countryman  from  the  attacks  of  those  who 
accuse  him  of  artifice  and  fraud,  in  endeavouring 
to  secure  an  eternal  remembrance  of  his  name,  by 
making  it  the  distinctive  appellation  of  the  New 
World,  Canovai  here  goes  to  the  opposite  ex 
treme.  "Vespucci's  priority,  in  discovering  the 
southern  continent,"  says  the  article  above  quoted, 
"was  a  valid  reason  for  naming  it  America,  there 
is  equal  reason,  as  Purchas  observes,  for  denomi 
nating  the  northern  Sebastiana,  or  Cabotia; 
since  it  is  notorious  that  the  Cabots  explored  the 
coast  from  Labrador  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  a  full 
year  before  any  portion  of  the  continent  was  ever 
seen  by  Columbus.  But  the  hand  of  chance  has 
an  influence  so  predominant  in  the  assignment  of 
honours  by  the  world,  that  we  can  hardly  feel 
surprised  at  the  neglect  of  Columbus  and  the 
Cabots,  to  the  exclusive  distinction  of  Vespucci. 
The  fortune  of  the  name  of  America  itself  is  not 
a  little  singular,  as  an  instance  of  the  mutations 
of  human  affairs ;  which,  having  been  first  given 
*  Diss.  Gius.  No.  78. 
221 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

to  a  single  province,  next  spread  over  the  whole 
southern  continent,  then  passed  on  to  the  north 
ern,  and  now,  from  being  the  appellation  of  the 
whole  New  World,  it  seems  about  to  be  confined 
by  foreign  nations  at  least  to  our  own  youthful 
and  aspiring  republic."* 

*  N.  A.  Review,  April,  1821,  p.  339, 340. 


222 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

The  new  expedition  which  was  in  preparation 
for  Americus  and  Pinzon  was  the  occasion  of 
much  perplexity  to  the  officers  of  the  Board  of 
Trade,  and  for  this  reason  :  by  the  last  testament 
of  Queen  Isabella,  her  consort,  King  Ferdinand, 
was  appointed  Regent  of  Castile  during  the  mi 
nority  of  her  grandson  Charles,  in  case  of  the  ab 
sence  or  incapacity  of  her  daughter,  Joanna,  who 
had  given  occasional  evidence  of  insanity,  during 
the  lifetime  of  her  mother.  This  princess  was,  at 
the  time  of  the  death  of  the  queen,  with  her  hus 
band,  the  Archduke  Philip,  in  Flanders.  King 
Ferdinand  at  once  proclaimed  his  daughter  queen, 
and  assumed  the  regency,  but  from  the  outset  was 
unpopular  with  the  nobles  and  people,  and  at 
length,  on  the  arrival  of  Philip  and  Joanna  in 
Spain,  was  compelled  to  resign  his  power  in  Cas 
tile  and  retire  to  his  own  kingdom  of  Arragon. 

From  the  moment  of  the  accession  of  Philip  to 
the  throne,  as  the  consort  of  Joanna,  an  entire 
change  took  place  in  all  the  departments  of  gov 
ernment.  Almost  all  the  old  officers  of  state  were 
dismissed,  and  new  men  appointed  in  their  places. 
The  disagreement  between  the  two  kings  placed 
those  of  the  old  administration,  who  still  re 
tained  their  posts,  among  whom  were  the  officers 
of  the  Board  of  Trade,  in  a  very  disagreeable 
position.  They  did  not  know  how  to  conduct 
themselves,  and,  fearful  of  offending  either  mon 
arch,  hesitated  whether  to  proceed  with  the  prep 
arations  for  the  armament,  or  to  give  it  up  alto 
gether.* 

*  Prescott's  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  vol.  ill. 
223 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

In  this  dilemma  they  wrote,  on  the  15th  of  Sep 
tember,  1506,  about  six  weeks  after  the  accession 
of  King  Philip,  to  his  secretary,  Gaspar  de  Gricio, 
that  they  had  despatched  Americus  to  give  every 
information  to  the  king  respecting  the  state  of  the 
expedition  which  King  Ferdinand  had  ordered  to 
be  prepared.  They  also  informed  the  secretary, 
that  it  would  not  be  ready  to  sail  before  the 
month  of  February,  in  the  ensuing  year.  Americus 
accordingly  left  Seville  for  the  court,  which  was 
then  held  at  Burgos.  He  was  charged  with  three 
letters  by  the  Board  of  Trade :  one  for  the  king 
himself,  another  for  M.  de  Vila,  his  grand  cham 
berlain,  to  whom  he  had  entrusted  the  despatch 
of  all  business  connected  with  the  Indies,  and  a 
third  to  the  Secretary  Gricio,  to  whom  they  had 
previously  written.  Besides  these  letters,  other 
documents  were  placed  in  his  hands.  These  were 
five  memorials,  treating  of  affairs  of  the  New 
World,  prepared  in  order  that  he  might  not  want 
material  at  hand,  to  bring  about  a  prompt  and 
favourable  course  of  action  in  the  matter.  The 
Board  of  Trade  also  furnished  Americus  with 
written  instructions  as  to  his  mode  of  procedure, 
which  show  the  unenviable  state  of  perplexity  in 
which  they  found  themselves.  "You  will  take," 
say  they,  "three  letters  for  the  king,  M.  de  Vila, 
and  the  Secretary  Gricio,  and  five  memorials,  one 
upon  the  despatch  of  the  armament,  two  others 
received  from  Hispaniola  concerning  the  tower 
which  King  Ferdinand  commanded  to  be  built  on 
the  Pearl  Coast,  and  the  remaining  two  upon  the 
caravels  which  are  on  service  in  Hispaniola,  and 
concerning  what  things  are  necessary  for  the  for 
tress  which  is  building  there.  If  Gricio  is  at  court, 
and  attends  to  the  affairs  of  the  Indies,  give  him 
the  letter,  show  him  the  memorials,  and  he  will 
224 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

guide  you  to  the  ear  of  the  king,  and  obtain  for 
you  good  despatch.  We  are  informed  that  the 
king  has  entrusted  the  business  of  the  Indies  to 
M.  de  Vila,  his  grand  chamberlain.  If  that  is  the 
case,  go  directly  to  him.  What  we  principally  de 
sire,  is  a  full  understanding  of  the  agreement 
which  has  been  entered  into  between  the  king, 
our  lord  (King  Philip),  and  the  King  Ferdinand, 
in  order  that  we  may  be  able  to  give  to  each 
prince  that  which  is  his."* 

The  perplexities  of  the  officials  were  not,  how 
ever,  destined  to  end  as  soon  as  they  hoped.  Just 
ten  days  after  the  date  of  their  letter,  King  Philip 
suddenly  died  at  Burgos,  having  enjoyed  his  power 
only  for  two  short  months.  King  Ferdinand  was 
absent,  on  a  visit  to  his  Neapolitan  dominions, 
and  the  Queen  Joanna  remained  in  a  state  of 
partial  insanity,  which  rendered  her  incapable  of 
attending  to  public  affairs.  The  kingdom  was 
thus  trembling  on  the  verge  of  anarchy,  and  for 
a  time,  most  public  undertakings  were  suspended. 
In  addition  to  this  unexpected  death  of  the  king, 
the  distrust  and  complaints  of  the  King  of  Por 
tugal,  respecting  the  object  and  destination  of 
the  expedition,  greatly  retarded  the  preparations 
for  it,  and  finally  were  the  means  of  breaking  it 
up  altogether.  Unwilling,  probably,  to  embroil 
the  country  in  a  quarrel  with  a  foreign  court, 
while  in  such  a  distracted  condition  at  home,  the 
provisional  regency  ordered  the  preparations  to 
be  suspended,  and  that  every  thing  which  had 
been  bought  for  the  expedition  should  be  sold. 

The  ultimate  fate  of  the  ships  which  were  in 
tended  for  this  fleet  is  recorded  by  Navarrete. 
It  was  composed  of  three  ships,  which  had  been 
brought  from  Biscay  for  the  purpose.  The  larg- 

*  Navarr&e,  torn.  ii. 
15  225 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

est  was  called  La  Magdelena,  and  was  to  have 
been  under  the  command  of  Pinzon;  the  second 
was  a  vessel  of  somewhat  less  dimensions,  of  which 
Americus  was  to  have  had  the  control;  and  the 
third,  a  caravel,  was  to  have  served  as  a  tender  to 
the  other  two,  being  of  much  smaller  size.  The  two 
first  of  these  vessels  were  despatched  with  cargoes 
to  Hispaniola.  The  Magdelena  went  under  the 
command  of  Diego  Rodrigues  de  Grogeda,  who 
purchased  her  on  his  return.  The  one  which  was 
to  have  been  under  the  command  of  Americus  car 
ried  Juan  de  Subano  as  captain.  Americus,  not 
withstanding,  appears  to  have  had  the  manage 
ment  of  the  concerns  of  this  vessel,  as  he  had 
previously  attended  to  its  fitting  out.  The  caravel 
went  to  the  Canary  Islands,  and  returning  to 
Seville  in  April,  1507,  was  employed  in  the  voyage 
of  discovery  which  Pinzon  and  Diaz  de  Solis  sub 
sequently  undertook. 

The  preparations  for  the  expedition,  which  was 
thus  broken  up,  occasioned  a  very  considerable 
outlay  of  capital.  Besides  the  large  amount  of 
upwards  of  five  millions  of  maravedis,  which  the 
settlement  of  the  accounts,  towards  the  close  of  the 
year  1507,  showed,  as  the  sum  of  the  expenses. 
Americus,  with  his  title  of  captain,  received  a 
salary  of  thirty  thousand  maravedis  per  annum. 
It  appears  from  the  documents  which  Navarrete 
has  extracted  from  the  archives  of  Seville,  that 
his  time  was  principally  passed,  until  the  close  of 
that  year,  in  making  all  the  purchases  of  pro 
visions  and  equipment  necessary  for  so  extensive 
a  voyage  as  that  in  contemplation,  and  his  dis 
appointment  must  have  been  great  indeed,  when 
the  order  arrived  at  Seville  countermanding  the 
expedition.* 

*  Navarrete,  torn.  iii.  p.  322. 
226 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

During  the  absence  of  King  Ferdinand,  on  his 
visit  to  his  Neapolitan  dominions,  there  was  a 
manifest  slackening  of  the  spirit  of  discovery. 
The  stirring  nature  of  the  events  which  were  tak 
ing  place  at  home,  and  the  prospect  of  change, 
if  not  of  anarchy  and  civil  war,  gave  occupation 
to,  or  attracted  the  attention  of,  most  of  the  ad 
venturers  and  restless  spirits  of  the  day.  But  as 
soon  as  the  king  found  himself  again  firmly  fixed 
in  power  in  Castile,  and  ruling  there  in  the  name 
of  his  daughter,  with  an  authority  much  more 
extensive  than  he  had  ever  enjoyed  during  the 
lifetime  of  Isabella,  he  recommenced  his  projects  of 
discovery  and  acquisition  in  the  New  World.  He 
enjoyed,  in  virtue  of  the  testament  of  Isabella,  a 
moiety  of  the  revenues  arising  from  the  coun 
tries  already  occupied  in  the  West  Indies,  and  was 
fully  aroused  to  their  importance.  But  that  he 
was  not  actuated  solely  by  his  pecuniary  interest 
in  them,  is  evident  from  the  measures  he  took  to 
promote  further  discoveries,  and  the  colonization 
of  territories  already  acquired.* 

On  the  26th  of  November.  1507.  about  three 
months  after  the  return  of  Ferdinand  to  Castile, 
he  issued  an  order,  commanding  Americus  and 
Juan  de  la  Cosa  to  proceed  immediately  to  court. 
Thither,  accordingly,  both  repaired,  and  were  soon 
engaged  in  active  consultation  with  the  king  and 
his  ministers,  respecting  the  nautical  affairs  of  the 
kingdom.  In  the  beginning  of  February  of  the 
next  year,  Americus,  in  connexion  with  Vicente 
Yanez  Pinzon  and  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis.  was  charged 
with  the  safe  conduct  to  the  treasury  of  the  king 
of  six  thousand  ducats  of  gold,  which  had  just 
then  arrived  from  the  Indies,  and  on  the  14th  of 
March,  1508,  he  received  by  royal  order  a  pay- 
*Prescott's  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  vol.  iii. 
227 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

ment  of  six  thousand  maravedis,  in  consideration 
of  this  service.* 

The  distrust  which  the  Spanish  court  felt  at 
that  time  towards  the  rival  court  of  Portugal  in 
duced  them  to  make  ready  two  caravels,  which 
were  placed  under  the  command  of  Juan  de  la 
Cosa,  to  guard  and  give  convoy  to  the  ships 
which  were  coming  and  going,  from  time  to  time, 
between  Spain  and  her  new  dominions.  Americus 
was  charged  with  the  provisioning  and  support 
of  these  vessels,  while  his  friend  Pinzon  provided 
their  armament  and  warlike  stores.  Americus  at 
tended  to  this  business  at  about  the  time  men 
tioned  above. 

Shortly  after  this  date,  on  the  22d  of  March. 
1508,  Ferdinand  appointed  Americus  to  the  office 
of  chief  pilot,  with  an  annual  salary  of  seventy- 
five  thousand  maravedis.  It  would  seem,  from  the 
decree  which  was  issued  on  the  6th  of  August  of 
the  same  year,  that  this  place  was  by  no  means  a 
sinecure.  That  document  was  intended  to  define 
the  duties  of  the  new  office,  and  it  clearly  appears, 
that  if  they  were  performed  by  Americus  with  the 
fidelity  which  characterized  all  the  other  trans 
actions  of  his  life,  but  little  leisure  could  have  been 
left  to  him.  This  high  and  responsible  post  was 
held  by  Americus  during  the  remainder  of  his  life, 
and  his  appointment  to  it  by  Ferdinand  was  the 
highest  proof  of  the  estimation  in  which  he  was 
held  by  that  monarch  that  could  have  been  be 
stowed  upon  him. 

In  order  fully  to  appreciate  the  weighty  responsi 
bility  which  rested  upon  him,  the  great  excitement 
which  existed  in  relation  to  the  newly-discovered 
continent  must  be  duly  estimated.  Never  before 
in  Spain  had  the  furor  for  navigation  and  nautical 

*Navarr6te,  torn.  iii.  p.  333. 
228 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

enterprise  been  so  extended.  Day  after  day  fortu 
nate  adventurers  returned  from  the  Indies  with  im 
mense  wealth  suddenly  acquired  by  the  discovery 
of  hidden  hoards  of  some  of  the  unresisting  na 
tives,  and  roused  the  cupidity  of  their  friends  and 
neighbours,  by  glowing  accounts  of  riches  which 
their  own  success  seemed  to  prove  substantial. 
The  fever  of  emigration  was  hourly  increasing,  and 
rose  at  last  to  such  an  extent,  that  in  Seville, 
where  Americus  established  his  permanent  resi 
dence,  it  was  said  that  few  persons  were  to  be 
seen,  save  women  and  young  children.  On  the 
countermanding  of  an  expedition,  which  the  king 
had  proposed  to  send  to  Italy  in  the  year  1512, 
about  three  thousand  of  the  cavaliers,  who  were 
to  have  accompanied  it,  proceeded  to  Seville  and 
made  eager  application  for  service  in  a  fleet  then 
preparing  for  America,  although  the  full  comple 
ment  of  men  to  be  employed  in  it  was  only  about 
hah*  the  number  of  the  applicants.* 

Nothing  now  remains  but  to  record  the  death  of 
him  whose  life  and  writings  have  occupied  the  fore 
going  pages.  This  event  took  place  at  Seville  on 
the  22d  day  of  February,  in  the  year  1512. f  No 
account  of  his  last  sickness  has  been  preserved. 
The  date  and  the  place  of  his  decease  have,  until 
recently,  been  subjects  of  discussion,  and  these 
have  been  determined  only  from  the  musty  files  of 
receipts  in  the  Spanish  archives,  and  from  the 
warrant  of  the  crown  appointing  his  successor. 
The  place  of  his  burial  is  not  certainly  known. 
Vague  accounts  are  current  in  his  native  country 
that  his  remains  were  transported  to  Italy,  and 
now  rest  in  the  tomb  of  his  ancestors,  in  the 
church  of  Ogni  Santi  in  Florence,  but  they  do  not 
carry  with  them  the  stamp  of  authenticity, 

*  Prescott,  vol.  iti.  chap.  xxiv. 

tNavarrete,  torn.  ill.  p.  324. 
229 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

After  his  appointment  to  the  office  of  chief  pilot 
he  made  a  short  visit  to  Florence,  and  the  por 
trait  of  him  by  Bronzino.  taken  unquestionably 
towards  the  end  of  his  life,  is  said  to  have  been 
painted  in  that  city.  It  has  always  been  pre 
served  as  a  sacred  relic  by  the  Vespucci  family, 
and  its  authenticity  seems  never  to  have  been 
called  in  question. 


230 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 
CHAPTER  XVIII. 

CHARACTER  AND  WRITINGS  OF  AMERICUS. 

In  perusing  the  writings  and  following  the  his 
tory  of  Americus,  one  cannot  fail  to  be  struck 
with  the  modest  simplicity  and  truthfulness  of  his 
character.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  any  one 
can  read  his  letters,  and  rise  from  the  reading 
with  any  other  conviction  than  that  the  writer  was 
actuated  by  a  sincere  desire  to  instruct  his  cor 
respondents,  and  furnish  them  with  accurate  in 
formation.  Rarely  alluding  to  his  own  position  of 
danger  and  suffering,  or  of  honourable  renown,  the 
reader  has  cause  for  regret  in  the  very  modesty 
which  restrains  his  pen.  He  seldom  separates  him 
self  from  his  companions,  and  when  enterprise  and 
courageous  bearing  is  his  theme,  freely  admits 
all  to  a  share  of  the  credit.  When  occasion  offers 
he  particularizes,  and  brings  out  in  bold  relief  the 
virtues  and  bravery  of  others,  but  never  his  own. 
If  an  idea  occurs  to  his  mind  which  emanated 
from  the  brain  of  another,  he  never  fails  to  give 
due  reference.  It  has  been  seen  that  no  petty  feel 
ings  of  jealousy  restrained  him  from  acknowl 
edging  what  is  owing  to  Columbus,  for  he  speaks 
of  his  previous  discoveries  without  reserve.  He 
excuses  his  own  deficiency,  and  deprecates  a  harsh 
judgment  of  his  writings,  recommending  that 
they  be  read  in  "more  leisure  hours,"  and  as  a 
pastime,  rather  than  for  improvement. 

In  Americus,  the  historian  does  not  find  any  of 
those  brilliant  combinations  of  good  and  bad 
qualities,  which  so  often  dazzle  the  mind,  and  pro 
duce  a  false  estimate  of  character.  He  was  not  an 
231 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

enthusiast,  and  never  allowed  himself  to  be  car 
ried  beyond  the  bounds  which  reason  indicated. 
He  was  rather  inclined  to  a  philosophical  scepti 
cism,  ever  seeking  to  detect  fallacies  with  the  view 
of  firmly  establishing  the  truth. 

The  patience  and  forbearance  of  his  character 
are  no  less  observable  than  his  simplicity  and 
modesty.  "But  one  word."  sayt  Canovai,  "did 
he  allow  to  enter  his  letters,  wherein,  though  with 
out  any  indication  of  resentment  or  bitterness,  he 
complains  of  discourteous  behaviour  towards 
him."*  No  hasty  ebullitions  of  temper  marked 
the  occurrence  of  disappointment  or  reverse.  He 
was  always  calm  and  persevering. 

He  was  ambitious,  but  with  a  proper  ambition. 
To  acquire  an  honourable  name,  which  should  be 
the  comfort  and  solace  of  his  old  age,  was  his 
great  aim.  It  has  already  been  shown,  that  he 
could  not  have  endeavoured  to  perpetuate  his 
fame  by  the  fraudulent  method  of  giving  his  name 
to  the  New  World,  nor  did  he  seek  to  do  so  by 
undervaluing  his  associates.  His  was  an  ambi 
tion  which  did  not  lead  men  to  fear  or  oppose 
him,  and  his  quiet  and  unobtrusive  manners 
made  him  friends  even  among  his  rivals. 

He  was  enterprising,  but  that  was  a  quality  of 
the  age  in  which  he  lived.  There  is  this  difference, 
however,  in  the  enterprise  of  Americus  and  that 
of  most  of  those  by  whom  he  was  surrounded. 
These  laboured  for  their  own  good,  to  recruit  their 
own  broken  fortunes,  or  to  increase  wealth  already 
acquired ;  he.  for  advancement  of  knowledge  and 
science,  for  the  good  of  the  whole  human  race. 
He  was  conscientious.  The  rights  of  all  were  re 
spected  by  him,  according  to  the  notions  of  the 
age  in  which  he  lived.  His  scrupulous  regard  of 
*  Canovai,  vol.  il.  p.  110. 
232 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

the  property  of  the  helpless  and  unprotected  In- 
dians  is  manifest  in  his  writings.  It  is  true  that 
the  vessels  of  his  expeditions  brought  home  slave 
prisoners,  but  they  were  taken  in  fight,  and  after 
some  atrocious  treachery ;  and  conformably  to  the 
doctrines  then  in  vogue,  the  right  to  do  this  was 
undoubted,  for  all  who  did  not  believe  in  the 
Christian  religion  were  held  to  be  destitute  of 
natural  rights,  and  the  enslaving  of  the  Indians 
was  openly  countenanced  by  the  government. 

He  was  a  warm  admirer  of  nature.  The  beauty 
of  the  foliage  in  the  new  lands  which  he  visited, 
and  the  melody  of  the  numerous  birds  which  sang 
among  the  branches,  never  failed  to  attract  his 
attention  and  elicit  expressions  of  admiration. 

He  was  full  of  affectionate  feelings  for  his  family, 
as  his  care  and  attention  to  the  education  and  ad 
vancement  of  his  nephew,  and  his  memory  of  his 
relatives  in  Florence,  from  whom  he  had  been  so 
long  absent,  amply  testify. 

Lastly,  he  was  deeply  imbued  with  religious  sen 
timent  of  the  truest  and  most  lasting  character. 
Never  did  he  permit  himself  to  forget  the  Supreme 
Being  who  guarded  him  in  his  wanderings,  or  fail 
to  give  thanks  for  the  great  mercies  received  at 
his  hands.  Possessed  of  too  philosophical  a  mind 
to  adopt  as  truth  all  that  the  visionary  fanati 
cism  of  the  age  incorporated  in  the  belief  of  the 
Christian,  yet  he  never  ceased  to  acknowledge  the 
immediate  supervision  of  Almighty  Power;  and 
though  passing  over,  in  his  accounts,  with  com 
parative  neglect,  the  useless  vows  of  pilgrimages 
and  other  ceremonies  which  the  superstitious 
sailors  of  his  fleet  were  accustomed  to  make  and 
perform,  on  the  occurrence  of  a  tempest,  he  en 
larges  upon  his  gratitude  to  the  true  source  of 
deliverance  from  danger. 
233 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

It  is  a  comparatively  easy  task  to  place  the 
portraiture  of  the  character  of  a  celebrated  man 
in  such  a  light,  that  only  the  brightest  portion 
may  be  visible,  while  all  the  darker  points  are  con 
cealed.  The  effect  of  this  would  be  to  show  a 
fair  but  deceptive  picture,  and  such  may  seem  to 
be  the  present  effort.  For  although  disposed  to 
admit  that  many  faults  might  have  existed  in  the 
character  of  Americus  (what  mortal  is  without 
them?),  yet  the  records  of  history  mention  them 
not,  and  to  the  present  age  they  are  or  should  be 
as  if  they  were  not. 

It  would  be  almost  as  unfair  to  subject  the  writ 
ings  of  Americus  to  the  critical  tests  of  the  pres 
ent  day  as  to  judge  of  his  character  by  the  partial 
and  disingenuous  accounts  of  prejudiced  historians. 
Few,  besides  his  own  countrymen,  have  read  his 
letters  with  unbiased  minds,  and  some  of  those 
who  condemn  him  most  loudly,  have  probably 
never  read  them  at  all.  He  who  peruses  them  in 
the  expectation  of  finding  passages  of  elegant 
diction,  or  a  blood-stirring  narrative  of  danger 
and  adventure,  will  meet  with  total  disappoint 
ment.  They  are  quiet  and  unassuming  descrip 
tions  of  what  appeared  new  and  strange  to 
him,  in  simple  language,  though  at  times  quaint 
and  forcible.  Plain  and  unvarnished  statements 
throughout,  they  were  evidently  written  by  one 
who,  knowing  his  own  integrity,  felt  confident  of 
due  credence  from  others. 

Like  all  men  who  live  in  times  of  general  agita 
tion,  when  society  is  passing  through  radical 
changes,  the  great  navigator  experienced  his  share 
of  disappointments  and  reverses.  Those  men  who 
are  chosen  by  Providence  to  bring  about  impor 
tant  events,  and  lead  nations  on  to  brilliant 
achievements,  generally  become  familiar  with 
234 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

trouble— for  those  names  that  must  live  always 
in  the  regards  and  recollections  of  mankind,  are 
not  easily  won.  But  Americus  may  justly  be  con 
sidered  a  fortunate  man,  whatever  may  have  been 
his  reverses.  No  conqueror,  however  celebrated, 
no  philosopher,  however  wise,  has  yet  received,  or 
ever  will  receive,  so  bright  a  reward.;  No  shade 
obscures  his  character,  no  accident  can  affect  his 
fame— his  name  is  borne  by  a  great  continent, 
and  will  be  transmitted  to  the  last  moment  of 
time. 


END  OF  PART  I. 


235 


PART  II. 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


EULOGIUM 

OF 

AMEKICUS  VESPUCIUS, 

WHICH  OBTAINED  THE  PREMIUM 

FROM  THE  NOBLE  ETRUSCAN  ACADEMY  OF  CORTONA, 
ON  THE  15TH  OF  OCTOBER,  IN  THE  YEAR  1788. 


LETTER 

Of  the  Etruscan  Academy  of  Cortona,  to  Count  John  Louis  of 

Durfort,  then  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  France  to 

the  Royal  Court  of  Tuscany,  accompanying 

the  Premium  Eulogy. 

After  the  respected  judgment  of  six  censors,  no 
less  impartial  than  enlightened,  here  at  last  is 
that  eulogy  of  Americus  Vespucius,  which  your 
Excellency  perhaps  contemplated,  when,  with  an 
incomparable  proof  of  intelligence  and  generosity, 
you  condescended  to  remit  to  the  Academy  your 
interesting  proposal  for  it,  and  the  noble  prem 
ium.  The  author,  who  appears  to  have  chosen  for 
his  model  the  celebrated  Isocrates,  knew  so  well 
how  to  convert  to  his  advantage,  and  combine 
intimately  in  his  theme,  the  various  questions  pro 
posed  to  the  candidates,  that  the  Grecian  orator 
would  perhaps  be  astonished  to  see  himself  imitat 
ed,  even  in  the  skilful  digression  where  he  passes 
with  so  much  grace  from  the  praises  of  Evagoras 
to  the  deeds  of  the  Athenian  Conon.  The  propo 
sition  of  your  Excellency  will  be  therefore,  a 
memorable  circumstance  in  the  exhibitions  of  the 
Etruscan  Academy,  and  might  also  become  a 
239 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

glorious  epoch  in  Tuscany,  if  the  example,  so  new 
and  so  enlightened,  should  become  known  in  all 
quarters,  and  make  us  feel  that  the  true  love  of 
letters  is  a  magnanimous,  ardent,  and  efficacious 
love,  and  that  admiration  of  great  men  is  one  of 
the  few  means  of  eventually  acquiring  greatness. 
France  alone,  that  genial  realm,  fruitful  alike  in 
characters  worthy  of  eulogium,  and  in  literary 
men  capable  of  appreciating  them,  has  renewed 
in  her  academies,  in  our  day,  the  ancient  custom 
of  eulogizing  her  heroes,  with  a  sublimity  equal 
to  their  merits.  Though  the  renowned  Linguet, 
perhaps  too  great  a  friend  of  paradoxes,  imag 
ined  that  there  was  something  intrinsically  and 
essentially  vitiated  in  this  kind  of  eloquence,  his 
wise  compatriots  have  well  decided  that  it  is  bet 
ter  to  suffer  some  abuse  of  it.  than  to  lose  its 
manifest  advantages  by  a  heedless  proscription. 
While  therefore  Tuscan  writers  are  indebted  to 
your  Excellency  for  this  happy  opportunity  of  ex 
ercising  their  powers  in  a  department  of  oratory 
so  dear  to  the  ancients,  and  which  ought  not  to 
be  lost  to  our  literature,  we  shall  be  eternally 
grateful  to  you,  that  we  were  selected  by  your 
judgment  for  the  fortunate  duty  of  searching  out 
merit,  and  nobly  rewarding  it. 


240 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


EULOGIUM. 


agit  grates,  peregrinaeque  oscula  Terrse 

Figit,  et  ignotos  montes  agrosque  salutat. 

OVID,  Met.  ill.  v.  14. 


It  has  been  said  in  olden  times,  that  no  eulo- 
gium  could  compare  with  an  illustrious  name, 
and  that  no  words  could  add  to  the  fame  and 
glory  of  any  one  whose  name  alone  was  insuffi 
cient.  But  (it  must  be  confessed)  that  these  pom 
pous  dicta,  which  eloquence  lavishes  so  freely,  are 
of  no  substantial  worth,  and  while  thus  attempt 
ing  to  express  with  emphasis  an  appreciation  of 
merit,  and  the  impossibility  of  praising  it  suffi 
ciently,  would  establish  the  nothingness  and  in- 
utility  of  all  praise.* 

*  Here  we  have  in  view  the  inscriptions  on  the  monuments  of 
two  celebrated  secretaries  of  the  Florentine  Republic.  One 
reads  thus,  under  the  bust  of  Marcellus  Virgilius :  "  Suprema  no- 
men  hoc  loco  tantum  voluntas  jusserat  Poni  sed  hanc  statuam 
pius  erexit  heres  nescius  famse  f uturum  et  glorias.  Aut  nomen 
aut  nihil  satis."  The  other  was  placed  on  the  tomb  of  Niccolo 
Machiavelli.  "Tanto  nomini  nullum  par  eulogium."  If  there 
could  be  no  eulogium  proportionate  to  the  merits  of  a  great  man, 
it  is  useless  to  make  any  whatever,  and  all  praise  will  be  reserved 
for  mediocrity.  What  an  absurdity!  This  is  the  true  eulogy  in- 
scribed  to  Machiavelli. 

The  scribe  of  Florence, 
Whose  subtle  wit  discharged  a  dubious  shaft, 
Called  both  the  friend  and  foe  of  kingly  craft. 
Tho',  in  his  maze  of  politics  perplext, 
Great  names  have  differed  on  that  doubtful  text : 
Here,  crowned  with  praise,  as  true  to  virtue's  side. 
There,  viewed  with  horror,  as  the  assassin's  guide : 
High  in  a  purer  sphere,  he  shines  afar, 
And  hist'ry  hails  him  as  her  morning  star. 

Hayley,  Essay  on  History,  Epist.  ii.  v.  186. 
16  241 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Fortunately,  it  is  well  known  that  orators  are 
accustomed  to  use  such  apothegms,  which  rarely 
influence  those  who  are  seeking  after  truth.    What 
would  become  of  the  fine  arts,  literature,  and  sci 
ence,  if,  acting  on  this  false  principle,  posterity 
should  neglect  to  bestow  encomiums  upon  their 
distinguished  cultivators?    Praise  is  the  natural 
aliment  of  genius,  and  though  unheeded  by  the 
mouldering  ashes  of  heroes,  at  least  encourages 
the  imitator  of  their  glorious  deeds.    Let  it  be  re 
membered  that  the  great  man  does  not  descend 
wholly  into  the  tomb;  he  soars  immortal  upon 
the  untiring  wings  of  fame.    He  erects  for  himself 
a  trophy  in  his  great  exploits,  which  neither  the 
ravages  of  time  can  deface,  nor  the  mist  of  obliv 
ion  obscure.    Let  us  figure  to  ourselves   in   the 
distance,  a  hundred  nations  yet  unborn,  repeating 
his   name  with   admiration,  celebrating  his  dis 
coveries  with  applause,  possessing  themselves  of 
what  is  good  and  true  by  the  infallible  guide  of 
his  instructions.    Such  delightful  hopes  not  only 
wiped  the  tears  and  the  sweat  of  labour  from  the 
countenances  of  the  valiant  Athletse,  but  forcibly 
counteracted  the  spells  of  all  the  malignant  spirits 
which  enhanced  the  difficulties  of  their  enterprises.* 
The  germs  of  greatness  are  enveloped  in  the  minds 
of  those  who  are  warmed  with  the  love  of  glory. 
There   is   a   manifest  connection  between  pub 
lic  praise   and   public   happiness.!    Egypt   knew 
this;  Greece  was  not  unmindful  of  it;  all  those 

*Ceteros  ad  sapientiae  studlum  laudibus  aliorum  propositis 
exhortamur,  ut  earum  laudum  accumulatione  incitati,  earundem 
etiam  virtutum  desiderio  inflamrnentur.— Isocr.  Evag. 

t  Hoc  genus  (orationls)  tarn  Greecis  quam  Romania  usitatum 
fuit,  sumpta,  ut  opinor,  consuetudine  ab  ^Egyptls.  Hanim  finis 
fuit  ut  et  bene  meritis  de  republica  viris  honore  laudationum  ali- 
qua  gratia  referretur,  et  adolescentes  cupiditate  laudis  incitati 
ad  virtutem  accenderentur.—  Wolf,  in  Isocr.  Evag. 
242 


AMEBICUS  VESPTJCIUS. 

nations  which  beet  understood  the  economy  of  the 
human  heart,  ever  had  fortunate  experience  of  it. 
Ah  I  whence  comes  it,  that  the  noble  example 
wants  emulators  among  us,  that  the  shades  of  our 
most  noble  citizens  wander  about  without  pane 
gyrists  and  without  eulogium  ?  *  Ought  it  to  have 
been  expected  that  a  generous  foreigner,  realizing 
the  sublime  idea  of  perfect  patriotism,!  would 
come  from  the  banks  of  the  Seine,  to  awaken  our 
indolent  eloquence,  and  compassionately  arouse  it 
to  revive  the  languishing  memory  of  Americus? 
Senseless  SyracusansI  thus,  perchance,  came  the 
great  Tully  from  the  Tiber  to  show  you  the  tomb 
of  the  forgotten  Archimides.J 

We  accept  an  invitation  which  at  the  same  time 
hoonurs  and  condemns  us.  We  praise  the  intrepid 
navigator,  the  unwearied  discoverer  of  extensive 
territories,  the  noble  Tuscan  who  wandered 
through  the  boundless  extent  of  the  other  hemi 
sphere,  and  left  his  name  impressed  upon  it  forever. 
If  a  vile  jealousy  has  attempted  to  snatch  from 
his  brow  the  well-merited  crown ;  if  a  partial  his 
tory  has  robbed  him  of  the  credit  due  to  his  signal 
enterprise  by  its  malicious  silence ;  if  a  misguided 
criticism  has  unfortunately  depreciated  his  merits 
and  defamed  his  candour,  future  ages  will  see  his 
character  in  clearer  light,  and  bestowing  their  just 
homage  of  admiration  and  encomium,  will  free  him 

*  We  have,  under  the  name  of  eulogy,  the  lives  of  many  il 
lustrious  Tuscans,  but  the  eulogies  here  referred  to  are  very  dif 
ferent  from  these  lives. 

+  Le  Patriotisme  le  plus  parf ait  est  celui  qu'on  possede  quand'on 
est  si  bien  rempli  des  droits  du  Genre  humain,  qu'on  les  respecte 
vis-a-vis  de  tous  les  peuples  du  monde.— Encycl.  art.  Patriot 
isme. 

%  Cicero  himself  narrates  his  famous  antiquarian  discovery,  and 
concludes  thus:  "  Ita  nobilissima  Gra^iae  civitas,  quondam  vero 
etiam  doctissime,  sui  civis  unius  monumentum  ignorasset,  nisi 
ab  homine  Arpinate  didicisset."— Tusc.  QucesL  l.  5.  c.  23. 
243 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

from  the  combined  aspersions  of  his  enemies,  and 
cover  his  cruel  adversaries  with  detestation. 

To  deny  an  infancy  to  an  extraordinary  man, 
and  gravely  pronounce  that  he  was  a  wonder  from 
the  very  cradle,  would  be  to  fabricate,  in  imita 
tion  of  the  poets,  a  fabulous  Hercules.*  To  in 
vestigate  the  little  anecdotes  of  this  infancy,  and 
dwell  at  length  upon  its  gradual  development, 
would  be  but  to  gratify  a  puerile  curiosity.  No, 
you  do  not  think  that  Americus  was  born  a 
prodigy,  and  came  thus  into  my  hands,  or  that 
I  would  wish  to  follow  the  feeble  footsteps  of  his 
early  boyhood.  When  the  energy  of  his  mind 
called  from  chaos  an  entire  half  of  the  globe,  and, 
almost  as  if  by  magic  enchantment,  spread  ex 
istence  over  the  vast  ocean,  it  is  of  slight  im 
portance  to  enquire  what  went  before,  or  whence 
he  derived  his  power.  Conjecture,  therefore,  if  you 
please ;  proportion  the  means  to  the  result ;  unite 
to  the  most  fervid  imagination  the  most  scrupu 
lously  strict  reasoning,  the  possession  of  subtle 
theories  to  the  free  use  of  complicated  instruments, 
uninterrupted  study  of  the  planets  and  stars  to 
accurate  knowledge  of  continents  and  seas,  the 
valour  of  the  soldier  to  the  prudence  of  the  mari- 

*  Hercules,  while  yet  in  swaddling  clothes,  strangled,  accord 
ing  to  the  poets,  two  large  serpents  which  Juno  had  sent  to  de 
stroy  him.  But  it  is  so  uncommon  or  unnecessary  for  great  men 
to  begin  by  being  great  in  boyhood,  that  the  infancy  of  the  great 
er  number  of  them  has  remained  altogether  in  obscurity,  I  only 
remember,  at  present,  having  read  something  of  the  kind  respect 
ing  Pascal,  and  the  following  is  what  is  said  of  him.  "  At  the 
age  of  twelve  years  he  had,"  they  say,  "  by  the  force  of  his  ge 
nius  alone,  and  without  books,  mastered  the  thirty-second  prop 
osition  of  the  first  book  of  Euclid.  The  reader  may  think  what 
he  pleases  of  it— for  my  part,  I  incline  to  the  opinion  of  Baillet, 
who  was  reprimanded  by  some  partisans  of  Pascal  for  having 
doubted  this  feature  of  his  life.  I  shall  not  dissemble,  that  I  sus 
pect  it  very  much  of  being  exaggerated."— Hist,  de  Mathem.  t. 
I.  p.  53. 

344 


AMfiRtCUS  VESPUCIUS. 

ner,  the  bustling  life  of  the  voyager  to  the  soil' 
tude  of  the  philosopher,  the  skill  of  the  merchant 
to  the  honour  of  the  citizen,  sense  to  genius, 
modesty  to  elevation,  vigour  to  sensibility,  bold 
ness  to  religion,  and  then,  perchance,  you  will 
have  a  sketch  of  the  sublime  qualities  and  envi 
able  character  of  Americus. 

With  such  vast  endowments  as  these  a  man 
becomes  as  it  were  omnipotent.  He  projects,  and 
nothing  is  impossible;  he  wills,  and  all  is  done. 
A  thousand  secret  combinations  stand  ever  at  his 
side,  and  with  emulous  rivalry  offer  him  their 
aid.  He  manages  them  with  such  authority,  and 
applies  them  to  the  work  with  so  much  rapidity, 
that  the  effect  of  penetration  and  inconceivable 
art  often  appears  like  the  necessary  result  of 
natural  causes.  The  soul  from  its  unknown  seat. 
the  sun  from  the  centre  of  its  system,  produce  in 
no  other  manner  the  wonderful  motions  of  the 
human  machine,  and  the  astonishing  order  of  the 
universe. 

But  where  shall  we  find  a  place  for  Vespucius, 
and  what  position  shall  we  assign  to  him,  if 
Spain,  his  new  residence,  intoxicated  with  joy  by 
rising  hopes  of  immense  riches  and  power,  recog 
nizes  no  other  genius,  and  commemorates  no  other 
name,  than  the  incomparable  genius  and  illus 
trious  name  of  Columbus?  We  leave  to  prosti 
tuted  pens  the  vile  employment  of  insulting  the 
great  with  false  reproaches  or  false  praises.  I 
shall  not  make  one  of  these  two  the  victim  of  the 
other.  I  should  know  how  to  weave  a  eulogium 
for  Newton,*  without  injury  to  Leibnitz,  and  I 

*  It  is  known  that  a  serious  debate  arose  between  Newton  and 

Leibnitz,  about  the  first  inventor  of  the  differential  and  integral 

calculus,  on  which  Montucla  thus  pronounces:  "Newton  had 

found  the  principle  of  fluxions  before  Leibnitz,  but  too  obscure- 

245 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

shall  speak  of  Vespucius  without  detracting  from 
the  fame  of  the  Italian  Admiral.  He  has  already 
burst  the  confines  of  the  Old  World ;  he  has  al 
ready  pushed  with  a  noble  daring  among  the 
virgin  waves  of  a  yet  nameless  sea,*  and  St. 
Lucia,  Antilla,  Cuba,  Jamaica,  and  Hispaniolat 
have  become  the  rewards  of  his  wonderful  expedi 
tion—vast  and  fruitful  islands,  where  the  greedy 
European  trampled  for  the  first  time  upon  gems 
and  gold,  forgetting  the  famous  countries  of  the 
Ganges  and  Cathay.  The  shout  of  important 
conquests  ascends  from  the  Mexican  Archipelago ; 
nations  and  kingdoms  of  long  standing  are  shak 
en  ;  commerce  joyously  contemplates  her  reviving 
youth  ;J  all  eyes  are  fixed  upon  the  leader  of  the 
exalted  enterprise  :  he  enters  Barcelona  with  more 

ly  to  deprive  the  latter  of  the  merit  of  the  discovery."— Hist. 
des  Math.  t.  H.  p.  334.  Americus  discovered  the  continent  be 
fore  Columbus,  and  did  not  find  it  at  all  obscurely. 

*  Columbus  himself  called  this  sea  the  North  Sea,  though  not 
very  appropriately.— Hist,  de  VAcad.  des  Scien.,  an  1753,  p.  119. 

t  Cuba,  Jamaica,  and  Hispaniola  are  confounded  by  some  ge 
ographers  with  the  Antilles,  which  are  more  than  six  hundred 
miles  distant  from  them.— Ramus.  t.  iii.  p.  71.  c.  This  confusion, 
however,  was  received  by  the  modern  author  of  the  art.  "Amer 
ica,"  in  the  Encyclopedia,  a  century  after  Columbus  and  Vespu- 
cius.— See  Dissertazfone  GiustificaUva. 

$  A  few  days  before  the  third  edition  of  this  eulogium  was  is 
sued,  I  read  the  work  of  Genty,  entitled  "  The  Influence  of  the 
Discovery  of  America  on  the  Happiness  of  the  Human  Race." 
He  repeats  many  times  the  truth  which  is  here  hinted  at ;  but 
two  quotations  must  suffice.  "The  rich  productions  of  the 
mines  of  Peru  must  multiply  our  relations  with  the  East,  and  of 
necessity  furnish  more  abundant  aliment  for  the  foreign  com 
merce  of  Europe  (p.  209).  The  conquest  of  the  New  World 
started  commerce  from  infancy,  and  gave  it  wings  to  soar  over 
the  whole  universe  "  (p.  290).  I  agree,  therefore,  with  the  il 
lustrious  Genty,  not  only  in  his  opinion,  but  also  in  the  figures 
with  which  he  illustrates  it.  I  shall  not  fail  to  quote  parallel 
passages  as  they  occur,  which  will  show  the  unexpected  corres 
pondence  of  my  sentiments  with  those  of  so  celebrated  an  au 
thor. 

246 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

pomp  than  the  Roman  Capitol  witnessed  in  other 
ages  at  the  return  of  an  Emperor  in  triumph.  At 
this,  Vespucius  becomes  thoughtful,  and  absorbed 
in  burning  meditation.  The  trophies  of  Miltiades* 
disturb  the  dreams  of  Themistocles,  and  the  re 
peated  announcement  of  his  father's  victories  dis 
solves  in  sighs  the  magnanimous  heart  of  Alexan 
der.  Ah  I  there  are  no  more  countries  for  me  1 1 
this  terrible  despot  of  the  ocean  sees  and  ravishes 
all.  Though  I  might  excel  him  in  daring,  yet 
how  can  I  equal  him  in  fortune  and  glory? 

Behold  the  transports  of  that  lively  emulation 
which  springs  from  the  indisputable  conscious 
ness  of  talents,  and  is  nourished  by  the  pure  and 
delicate  essence  of  virtue,  which  shines  uncontami- 
nated  in  every  footstep  of  the  hero  I  It  seems 
enmity,  but  is  laudable  strife ;  it  seems  envy,  but 
is  a  generous  ambition.  If  Columbus  had  found 
enemies  and  rivals  resembling  Americus,  I  should 
not  see,  as  now,  the  magnificent  scene  of  his 
triumph  so  suddenly  changed  into  mourning  and 
horror,  the  gloomy  night  of  ignominy  and  mock 
ery  succeed  the  brief  light  of  ephemeral  happiness, 
and  that  invincible  leader  who  redoubled  the 
power  and  dominions  of  ungrateful  Castile,  groan 
ing  under  the  weight  of  infamous  chains,  while  he 
asks  for  nothing  but  liberty  to  carry  her  arms  to 

*  It  is  said  that  Themistocles  was  so  carried  away  with  a  love 
for  glory,  that,  at  the  time  the  barbarians  were  conquered  at 
Marathon,  and  when  the  glory  of  Miltiades  was  every  where 
celebrated,  although  yet  a  youth,  he  withdrew  by  himself,  and 
indulged  in  nocturnal  vigils ;  and,  on  being  asked  the  reason,  by 
those  who  wondered  at  his  conduct,  replied  that  the  trophies  of 
Miltiades  deprived  him  of  sleep.— Plutarch.  Themistocles. 

+  Often,  when  the  capture  of  a  noble  city  or  a  victory  in  a 
memorable  battle,  by  Philip,  was  announced,  Alexander  did  not 
seem  much  rejoiced,  but  said  to  his  playfellows,  "My  father  is 
conquering  every  thing,  so  that  there  will  remain  no  great  and 
brilliant  exploits  for  me  to  accomplish."— Plutarch.  Alexander* 
247 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

the  most  distant  shores  of  the  West.  Go  now, 
and  turning  away  your  eyes  from  the  atrocious 
metamorphosis,  exclaim,  it  is  chance,— it  is  fate,— 
arbitrary  sounds  and  sterile  syllables,  with  which 
no  distinct  idea  can  ever  be  associated.  Alas  I 
are  not  there  imperceptible  threads  by  which  a 
regulating  hand  guides  us  through  a  crooked  lab 
yrinth  from  causes  to  effects,  and  prepares  in 
silence  the  events  of  the  universe?  Prostrated  by 
implacable  vengeance,  and  despoiled  of  the  exclu 
sive  right  to  discoveries  and  honours,*  Columbus 
pines  in  inaction,  but  no  new  columns  of  Hercules,! 
beyond  which  the  pilot  dares  not  pass,  stand  erect 
before  the  shores  of  Mexico.  Americus  reunites  the 
web  of  fortunate  events.  Americus  succeeds  Co 
lumbus. 

At  that  period  might  some  one  have  said  to  him, 
'Pause,  illustrious  Vespucius,  and  before  two 
worlds,  astonished  at  each  other,  are  united  by 
your  means,  penetrate  with  me,  for  a  few  mo 
ments,  the  shadows  of  the  future,  and  observe  the 
memorable  results  of  the  union.  What  merchan 
dise,  what  treasures  to  Europe  1  What  rare  in 
dustry  in  the  arts,  what  new  sublimity  in  the 
sciences  1  The  uncertainty  of  the  heavens,  the 
strange  laws  of  the  sea,  the  unknown  form  of  the 

*  This  exclusive  right,  which  is  asserted  by  various  historians 
(Rob.  v.  i.  p.  95),  does  not  appear  in  the  contract  between  Co 
lumbus  am  the  Spanish  monarchs.  It  is,  however,  reported  so 
in  the  Hist.  Gen.  des  Voyag.,  t.  xlv.  p.  17,  and  by  Robertson 
himself.  Ib.p.  155. 

t  The  twelfth  labour  of  Hercules  was,  according  to  Mytholo- 
gists,  to  go  to  the  two  mountains,  Abila  and  Calpe,  and  separate 
them,  so  as  to  introduce  the  ocean  into  the  Mediterrean.  There 
fore,  the  two  heights  which  overlook  the  Strait  of  Gibraltar  are 
called  the  Pillars  of  Hercules.  It  was  said  that  he  dared  not  pass 
them,  and  that  they  were  to  serve  forever  as  limits  to  all  naviga 
tors.  It  is  known,  however,  that  the  Tyrians,  Hanno,  the  Car- 
thagenian,  and  afterwards  many  others,  passed  these  limits. 
248 


AMEKICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

terrestrial  globe,  the  peculiar  formation  of  moun 
tains  and  rivers,  the  hidden  virtues  of  minerals, 
of  vegetables,  of  animals,  all  are  determined,  all 
are  turned  to  usefulness  or  pleasure  in  life.  There 
is  not  a  single  corner  where  the  fortunate  influ 
ence  of  your  discoveries  is  not  felt.*  What  did  I 
say?  the  Mediterranean  and  the  North  Sea  are 
too  contracted  in  space  for  the  new  tribute  which 
pours  into  them.  The  immense  plenitude  inun 
dates  Africa  and  Asia.  Political  society  is  raised 
to  the  highest  point  of  elevation,  and  the  country 
discovered  by  you,  furnishes  an  equilibrium  to  the 
boasted  power  of  the  other  hemisphere.  But, 
alas  1  if  this  splendid  picture  is  so  seductive  with 
its  bright  prospects  of  benefit,  and  so  dazzling  to 
your  vision,  in  what  colours  shall  I  paint  to  you 
the  funereal  spectacle  of  innumerable  wrongs  ?  Y  ou 
will  find  there  unknown  regions  of  gold ;  the  rocks 
are  rich  with  it ;  the  sands  glitter  with  it ;  nature 
exhibits  her  richest  stores.  Inauspicious  stores  of 
lamentation  and  desolation  I  A  vast  multitude  of 
hungry  adventurers  hasten  from  all  quarters. 
Attracted  by  the  glitter  of  the  dangerous  metal, 
they  abandon  their  ancient  seats.  Europe  sends 
masters  there;  Africa,  slaves.  They  are  disputed 
at  every  step,  they  are  combated  on  every  shore. 
Some  are  the  prey  of  the  waves,  others  of  fire  and 
sword;  many,  of  a  foreign  climate  ruinous  to 
health;  many  of  an  unknown  pestilence  which 
devours  them,  and  without  peopling  the  continent 

*  Genty  agrees  with  me.  "  The  conquest  of  the  New  World 
extended  the  domain  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  furnishing  them 
with  materials  and  instruments,  and  opening  to  genius  a  career 
more  vast  and  more  brilliant.  It  contributed,  above  all,  to  per 
fect  natural  history,  botany,  geography,  navigation,  and  astron 
omy.  It  brought  us  the  Quinquina ;  it  called  us  to  share  in  all 
the  productions  of  nature,  and  procured  us  more  numerous  and 
more  varied  enjoyments  "  (p.  389,  390). 
249 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

self  that  you  have  imaginary  rights  in  Atalanta 
and  the  Hesperides,  and  with  the  same  thought 
fancy  that  a  man  without  clothing  and  without  a 
yoke  merits  not  the  name  of  man?*  Oh  God  I  the 
basest  sycophancy  has  fabricated  those  monstrous 
pretensions  in  behalf  of  powerful  injustice. t  Reason 
blushes  at  them;  humanity  shudders  at  them4 
The  thirst  for  gold  awakens  the  thirst  for  blood. 
Like  those  cruel  persons,  who  kill  the  innocent 
bee  in  order  to  become  masters  of  its  sweet  treas 
ure  we  signalize  our  violation  with  murder,  and 
bearing  fire  and  the  sword  in  our  hands,  more 
cruel  than  wolves,  more  barbarous  than  tigers, 
mangle  a  terrified  and  unarmed  herd,  that  we  may 
reign  over  a  huge  mass  of  dead  bodies  and  gold. 
The  lacerated  remnants  of  the  horrid  carnage 

exercised  dominion  over  these  Indies  or  islands  of  Hesperides. 
On  account  of  this  ancient  jurisdiction,  and  judging  by  the 
manner  in  which  it  has  been  given,  which  will  be  stated  here 
after,  God  has  returned  this  dominion  to  Spain  again,  after  so 
many  centuries ;  and  it  appears  that  Divine  justice  wished  to 
return  it  to  her,  that  she  might  possess  it  perpetually,  through 
the  good  fortune  of  her  two  happy  and  Catholic  monarchs." — 
jRamwsfo,  t.  iii.  p.  65. 

*  Americus  relates,  that  the  men  seen  by  him  all  were  naked, 
and  that  they  have  neither  king  nor  lord ;  that  they  obeyed  no 
one,  and  could  neither  be  called  Moors  nor  Jews. 

t  Listen  to  Genty,  who  thus  begins  his  second  question :  "Must 
this  too  celebrated  revolution  be  described,  which  will  make  all 
future  generations  blush  with  shame  and  indignation  ?  Must 
these  revolting  scenes  be  painted,  these  numerous  massacres, 
where  all  that  was  most  atrocious  in  barbarity,  all  that  was 
most  hideous  in  avarice  and  cowardice,  was  put  in  operation 
against  timid  and  defenceless  nations  ?  Must  the  long  chain  of 
crimes,  perfidy,  and  oppression  be  retraced,  which  blotted  out 
whole  nations  from  the  face  of  the  earth  ?  "  p.  33. 

*  The  reply  of  Cortez  to  the  ministers  of  Montezuma,  who 
boasted  of  the  treasures  and  the  power  of  their  country,  is  re 
ported  by  Raynal,  t.  vi.  p.  64.    "  Behold  exactly  what  we  are 
seeking  after— great  dangers  and  great  riches."    Perhaps  the 
Spanish  general  had  learned  this  language  from  the  pirates  of 
Tunis  or  Algiers. 

250 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

self  that  you  have  imaginary  rights  in  Atalanta 
and  the  Hesperides,  and  with  the  same  thought 
fancy  that  a  man  without  clothing  and  without  a 
yoke,  merits  not  the  name  of  man?*  Oh  God  1  the 
basest  sycophancy  has  fabricated  those  monstrous 
pretensions,  in  behalf  of  powerful  injustice. f  Reason 
blushes  at  them;  humanity  shudders  at  them4 
The  thirst  for  gold  awakens  the  thirst  for  blood. 
Like  those  cruel  persons,  who  kill  the  innocent 
bee  in  order  to  become  masters  of  its  sweet  treas 
ure,  we  signalize  our  violation  with  murder,  and 
bearing  fire  and  the  sword  in  our  hands,  more 
cruel  than  wolves,  more  barbarous  than  tigers, 
mangle  a  terrified  and  unarmed  herd,  that  we  may 
reign  over  a  huge  mass  of  dead  bodies  and  gold. 
The  lacerated  remnants  of  the  horrid  carnage 

exercised  dominion  over  these  Indies  or  islands  of  Hesperides. 
On  account  of  this  ancient  jurisdiction,  and  judging  by  the 
manner  in  which  it  has  been  given,  which  will  be  stated  here 
after,  God  has  returned  this  dominion  to  Spain  again,  after  so 
many  centuries ;  and  it  appears  that  Divine  justice  wished  to 
return  it  to  her,  that  she  might  possess  it  perpetually,  through 
the  good  fortune  of  her  two  happy  and  Catholic  monarchs."— 
Ramusio,  t.  iii.  p.  65. 

*  Americus  relates,  that  the  men  seen  by  him  all  were  naked, 
and  that  they  have  neither  king  nor  lord ;  that  they  obeyed  no 
one,  and  could  neither  be  called  Moors  nor  Jews. 

t  Listen  to  Genty,  who  thus  begins  his  second  question :  "Must 
this  too  celebrated  revolution  be  described,  which  will  make  all 
future  generations  blush  with  shame  and  indignation  ?  Must 
these  revolting  scenes  be  painted,  these  numerous  massacres, 
where  all  that  was  most  atrocious  in  barbarity,  all  that  was 
most  hideous  in  avarice  and  cowardice,  was  put  in  operation 
against  timid  and  defenceless  nations  ?  Must  the  long  chain  of 
crimes,  perfidy,  and  oppression  be  retraced,  which  blotted  out 
whole  nations  from  the  face  of  the  earth  ?  "  p.  33. 

$  The  reply  of  Cortez  to  the  ministers  of  Montezuma,  who 
boasted  of  the  treasures  and  the  power  of  their  country,  is  re 
ported  by  Raynal,  t.  vi.  p.  64.  "  Behold  exactly  what  we  are 
seeking  after— great  dangers  and  great  riches."  Perhaps  the 
Spanish  general  had  learned  this  language  from  the  pirates  of 
Tunis  or  Algiers. 

251 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

howl  with  mournful  clamour,  fly  among  the  moun 
tain  precipices,  conceal  themselves  in  inaccessible 
forests,  and  their  country,  covered  with  blood  and 
tears,  offers  nothing  to  its  unhappy  children,  but 
a  sacrilegious  altar  with  thirty  millions  of  men 
wickedly  immolated  to  the  idol  of  avarice.'* 

Whoever,  at  that  juncture,  had  pourtrayed  to 
Vespucius  this  double  series  of  events,  would,  per 
chance,  have  induced  him  to  change  his  determina 
tion.  His  heart,  so  prone  to  emotion,  his  spirit  so 
penetrating  and  so  just,  his  noble  disinterested 
ness,  his  scrupulous  delicacy,  would  have  united  to 
dissuade  him  from  a  voyage,  the  manifest  am 
biguity  of  the  event  of  which  might  destroy  so 
large  a  portion  of  its  glory.  But  very  different 
thoughts  were  revolving  in  his  mind.  Anxious  to 
make  known  to  the  world  the  superiority  of  the 
science  and  nautical  skill  which  had  been  his  for  a 
long  time,  he  listens  only  to  the  voice  of  honour, 
which  calls  him,  and  directing  his  course  to  the 
West,  leaves  to  the  enlightened  philosopher  the  task 
of  determining  the  character  of  his  labours.  Diffi 
cult  judgment  I  which  seems  tacitly  to  constrain  to 
the  intricate  examination  of  primitive  causes,  and 
to  odious  comparison  between  the  private  pros 
perity  of  a  state,  and  the  public  interest  of  the 
human  race.  Tell  me,  indeed,  whether  navigation 
is  an  absolute  advantage,  or  fix,  at  least,  the  re 
lation  between  its  advantages  and  disadvantages. 
Tell  me  if  it  is  possible  to  find  any  universal 
measure  of  good,  or  any  rules  by  which  to  esti- 

*  Thomas,  Eloge  de  Dugay-Trouin.  "  Taking  tbe  calculation 
of  the  furious  Carvajal,  1500  Spaniards  were  sufficient  to  slaugh 
ter  thirty  millions  of  men.  This  monster  boasted,  at  his  death, 
of  having  killed  twenty  thousand  Americans,  besides  fourteen 
hundred  of  his  own  nation,  with  his  own  hand."— Raynal,  torn. 
vli.  p.  58,  with  whom  Gomara  does  not  disagree,  except  in  the 
words  "with  his  own  hand."— Cap.  186,  p.  259. 
252 


AMERICDS  VESPUCIUS. 

mate  in  exact  proportion,  and  by  a  common  crite 
rion,  physical,  political,  and  moral  benefits.  Tell 
ine  whether  all  men  belong  to  the  same  family,  or 
define  to  which  of  the  many  families  of  men  a 
preference  is  due,  and  I  will  soon  designate  to  you 
the  proper  estimate  of  the  maritime  deeds  of 
Americus.  If,  in  the  absence  of  proper  data,  I  de 
clare  these  general  problems  insoluble,  do  not  be 
astonished  that  a  question  which  is  connected  with 
them  by  such  bonds,  and  is  of  such  manifest  af 
finity,  should  remain  undecided.* 

It  happens  sometimes,  however,  that  an  aggre 
gate  of  facts  and  peculiar  analogies  authorizes  a 
general  conclusion,  or  it  may  be  that  compassion, 
tender  and  beautiful  virtue,  inborn  with  man,  in 
clines  the  spirit  to  favour  the  oppressed,  and  the 
important  judgment  may  seem  to  you  already 
pronounced.  At  the  horrid  sight  of  the  carnage, 
the  pretended  advantages  sink  into  insignificance. 
The  warm  invectives  of  the  philosopher  are  united 
with  the  eloquent  tears  of  the  ignorant,  and  that 
fatal  art  is  deplored,  which,  in  spite  of  a  visible 
prohibition  of  Providence,  showed  the  way  to  the 
unlucky  shores  of  the  New  World.  I  would  not 
mask  the  truth,  in  order  to  secure  fame  to  Ves- 
pucius.  Sincerity  of  intention,  and  the  impossi 
bility  of  foretelling  the  future,  justify  him  suffi 
ciently.  But  if  all  the  great  elements  of  the  ques 
tion  are  considered,  how  shall  the  decision  be 
given  with  judgment  and  equity?  Has  the  cul 
ture  of  those  wild  and  savage  nations  ever  been 

*  The  work  of  Genty  considers  the  present  question  exactly, 
and  has  an  exposition  of  it  much  better  than  any  thing  that  can 
be  given  in  a  eulogium.  It  ought  to  be  spoken  of  here,  but 
however  advantageous  for  me  the  accordance  of  my  opinions 
with  those  of  Genty  may  be,  it  will  be  easily  seen,  that  a  longer 
discussion  of  the  point  would  have  been  quite  foreign  to  my 
subject. 

253 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

estimated?  Has  the  price  of  religion  ever  been 
calculated?  Yet  these  benefits  hold  a  rank  so  ele 
vated,  and  offer  rewards  so  certain  to  the  feeble 
nature  of  man,  that  the  dubious  light  of  every 
other  good  is  obscured  in  comparison;  they  are 
competent  even  to  soften  anguish,  calm  terror,  en 
large  the  mind,  and  spread  oblivion  over  the  bar 
barity  of  conquerors,  and  the  wickedness  of  ty 
rants.  It  is  a  crime,  I  do  not  deny  it,  it  is  the 
blackest  of  all  crimes,  to  change  the  institutions 
of  religion  into  sanguinary  instruments  of  death, 
and  reduce  a  desperate  people  to  execrate  those 
revelations  and  that  God,  to  whom  they  ought  to 
give  themselves  up  with  gratitude  and  transport. 
But  these  revelations  are  adopted,  and  that  God 
is  worshipped  now  in  America.*  Forget  all  evils 
in  the  presence  of  one  good  so  incomparable;! 
and  since  these  were  the  pure  designs  of  the  eager 
Voyager, J  in  whom  neither  covetousness  nor 

*  It  has  been  said  that  this  intelligence  is  producing  its  effects. 
But  it  will  be  seen  in  the  course  of  this  eulogium,  that  it  could 
not  be  throughout  America,  and  neither  so  soon  nor  so  easily 
developed.  These  ideas  are  presented  by  Genty :  "  Nature,"  he 
says,  "and  philosophy  will  unite  their  voices  to  applaud  these 
happy  changes,  to  prepare  them,  and  understand  their  effects. 
Religion  will  continue  to  invite  the  savages  to  a  participation  in 
its  mysteries.  It  will  conquer  them  by  its  tender  exhortations, 
it  will  soften  their  hearts  by  its  promises  and  its  consoling  dog 
mas—it  will  make  men  of  them."— P.  331. 

t  Thus  is  the  first  question  decided— The  advantages  and  dis 
advantages  of  the  discovery  of  America,  as  proposed  in  the  pro 
gramme  of  the  Etruscan  Academy.  It  was  raised,  not  with  re 
gard  to  Europe  only,  but  without  any  limitation,  and  it  was 
necessary,  therefore,  to  reply  to  it  in  full. 

$  Not  only  was  Americus  eager  to  inculcate  in  the  minds  of 
the  savages  religion  and  morality,  but  he  was  also  so  happy  as 
to  succeed  in  it.  "  In  this  country  (in  Paria,  that  is),  we  estab 
lished  baptismal  fonts,  and  a  great  number  of  people  were  bap 
tized.  They  called  us  in  their  language,  Carabi,  which  means 
men  of  great  wisdom.  We  endeavoured  many  times  to  draw 
them  into  our  opinions,  and  admonished  them  often,  that  they 
254 


AiMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

fanaticism  ever  fostered  the  cruelty  of  a  Cortez,* 
a  Pizarro,  or  an  Almagro,  let  him  disembark 
tranquilly  upon  the  shores  of  that  strange  land, 
and  greet  in  peace  their  unknown  mountains  and 
untrodden  fields.! 

The  daring  Columbus  should  first  have  landed 
here,  had  he  intended  to  deprive  others  of  the 
hope  of  surpassing  him.  Every  effort  is  now  vain, 
and  whoever  regards  the  discovery  of  the  conti 
nent  as  a  poor  appendage  to  the  discovery  of  the 
islands  militates  with  the  truth,  though  he  can- 
might  finally  be  willing  to  abandon  such  an  infamous  custom  as 
an  abomination,  and  they  promised  us  many  times  to  abstain 
from  such  cnielty." 

*  The  moderation  which  Americus  observed  towards  the  sav 
ages  was  quite  remarkable.  "We  took  from  them  (from  the 
traitors  who  had  assaulted  him)  many  things  of  little  value,  and 
we  would  not  burn  their  houses,  as  it  was  a  matter  of  conscience 
with  us."  "We  resolved  not  to  touch  or  take  away  any  of  their 
things,  in  order  the  better  to  assure  them,  and  we  left  many  of 
our  things  for  them  in  the  houses."  "It  was  determined  that 
since  this  people  wished  to  be  at  enmity  with  us,  we  would  have 
a  conference  with  them,  and  do  every  thing  to  make  them 
friends."  "  We  discharged  two  guns  at  them  (at  those  who  had 
followed  him  shooting  arrows),  more  to  frighten  than  to  do 
them  injury."  Americus  was  not,  therefore,  inferior  to  Cook, 
in  an  age  which  was  not  like  the  age  of  Cook ;  and  though  he 
was  obliged  to  fight  many  times,  it  was  to  defend  those  savages 
who  were  his  friends,  or  in  his  own  defence. 

t .  .  .  Agit  grates,  peregrinae  que  oscula  Terras 
Figit,  et  ignotos  montes  agrosque  salutat.  .  .  . 

Thus  speaks  Ovid  of  Cadmus,  who  brought  letters  into  Europe, 
and  perhaps  religion  also,  as  Americus  introduced  religion  and 
the  first  seeds  of  moral  culture  into  America.  The  custom  of 
rendering  thanks  to  God  at  the  sight  of  land  was  then  general 
among  navigators.  "  They  set  their  feet  on  terra  flrma,"  writes 
Boccacio,  "and  saluted  the  neighbouring  mountains,"  &c. 
Robertson  also  intimates  it.  "The  crew  of  the  Pinta  sang  the 
Te  Deum,  and  those  in  the  other  vessels  responded  to  it "'  .  .  .  . 
"The  Spaniards  who  followed  Columbus,  fell  on  their  knees  and 
kissed  the  earth  which  they  had  so  long  desired  to  see."— Hist. 
de  VAm.,  t.  i.  p.  176, 177.  Hear  Americus  himself:  "Having 
seen  the  land,  we  gave  thanks  to  God." 
255 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

not  wound  the  invulnerable  glory  of  Americus; 
because  the  acute  Archimides,  because  Wallis  and 
Brouncker  and  Fermat  approached  closely  the 
new  analyses,  it  does  not  follow  that  the  divine 
geometrician  who  courageously  opened  the  for 
midable  gates  of  infinity,  and  trod  those  perilous 
regions  with  a  sure  foot,  has  not  eclipsed  them. 
Newton  found  assistance  in  the  labours  of  many 
great  men.  But  there  was  nothing  in  common  be 
tween  the  two  great  navigators.  Neither  the  line 
of  the  voyage,  the  conduct,  nor  the  termination 
were  similar.  What  an  uncertain  and  tortuous 
circuit  was  that  of  Columbus,  who  from  the  Ca 
naries  returned  to  the  south  so  far  that  he  saw 
in  the  tropics  the  neighbouring  heights  of  Cape 
Verd,  and  turning  thence  to  the  west  and  to  the 
north,  arrived  at  Guanahani !  He  roved  nearly 
three  years  from  island  to  island,  and  from  coast 
to  coast,  and  attracted  by  an  invisible  magnetism 
within  the  narrow  circumference  of  past  discov 
eries,  never  saw  the  boundless  country  which  was 
laid  temptingly  before  his  face,  and  seemed  to 
open  its  bosom,  and  invite  him  to  repose  upon 
it.*  Americus.  on  the  contrary,  avoids  the  seas 
already  known,  shuns  the  islands  already  dis 
covered,!  does  not  propose  to  return  to  Europe 
by  the  way  of  Japan  and  China,  and  impelled 
by  intelligence  and  genius,  runs  in  thirty-seven 
days  from  the  Fortunate  Islands  to  the  Oro- 

*  Jamaica,  Cuba,  Hispaniola,  and  the  other  islands  adjacent  to 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  having  been  discovered,  it  might  have  been 
said  that  the  gates  of  the  New  World  were  thrown  wide  open, 
and  that  nothing  further  remained  to  be  done  by  the  voyagers 
who  followed  Columbus,  but  to  enter  them.    But  I  would  ask, 
why  did  not  Columbus  enter  Mexico  through  those  gates  which 
he  himself  had  thrown  wide  open  ? 

*  It  was  only  in  his  second  voyage  that  Americus  went  to  the 
islands  of  Antilla  and  Hispaniola,  already  discovered  by  Co 
lumbus. 

256 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

noko.  The  spacious  plains  of  Terra  Firma,  the 
curious  little  island  of  Venezuela,  the  pleasant  for 
ests  of  Paria,*  present  an  inexhaustible  harvest 
for  his  meditations,  and  give  repose  to  the  cos- 
mographer  to  employ  the  philosopher.  Neither  is 

*  The  land  discovered  by  Vespucius  in  his  second  voyage  was, 
according  to  his  own  account,  continuous  or  contiguous  to  the 
land  discovered  in  his  first ;  therefore,  if  that  of  the  second  lies 
a  little  beyond  the  equator,  in  the  southern  hemisphere,  it  is 
reasonable  to  conclude  that  of  the  first  to  be  near  the  line  in  the 
northern  hemisphere :  hence  his  "  Lariab  "  is  certainly  "Paria," 
as,  In  the  Geography  and  Cosmography,  Munster  accurately 
translates  it.— (Geog.  Tab.  Nov.  Ins.  Cosmog.  p.  1109.)  But 
it  is  not  easy  to  understand  how  Lariab  or  Paria  is  located  by 
Americus  under  the  Tropic  of  Cancer,  where  New  Galieia  and 
Panuco  are  situated.  From  observing  that  Martiniere  (V.  Paria) 
does  not  recognize  any  province  of  this  name  further  East  in 
America,  and  that  De  1'Isle  took  it  entirely  from  his  charts,  I 
suspected  that  in  the  first  period  of  the  discovery,  this  might 
have  been  the  general  denomination  of  America  as  then  known ; 
neither  do  I  think  I  have  been  deceived,  since  Geraldini,  Bishop 
of  St.  Domingo,  wrote  to  Leo  X.,  concerning  that  Island  which 
the  unlearned  call  the  continent  of  Asia,  and  others  denomi 
nate  America  or  Paria.— (Cancell.  Diss.  Sopra.  Crist.  Colomb. 
p.  234.)  It  is  certain  that  one  map,  as  late  as  1535,  printed  in 
Basle,  places  Paria  in  24  or  25  degrees  of  south  latitude  (Mar- 
gar.  Philos.  p.  1434);  in  the  maps  of  Apianus,  Grinseus  and 
Munster,  Paria  is  located  in  the  environs  of  the  equator ;  and  in 
that  of  Villanovano,  published  in  1541,  Paria  is  placed  at  45  de 
grees  of  north  latitude.  Seventy  degrees  of  latitude  being  thus 
included  by  different  geographers,  it  is  fair  to  conclude  that  all 
America  was  Paria ;  and  perhaps  for  this  reason  Martyr  says, 
"in  the  immense  tracts  of  Paria"  (Dec.  ii.,  L.  ix.  p.  39),  and 
culled  the  "Sea  of  Paria"  the  ocean  which  bathed  the  New 
World  ( Majol.  Dies.  Canic.  p.  509) .  In  fact,  Vespucius  himself 
testifies,  that  after  having  moved  ten  degrees  from  the  equinoc 
tial  line,  he  continued  to  sail  towards  the  north,  and  passed  into 
a  gulf  which  is  called  the  Gulf  of  Paria.  This  is  certain  proof 
that  Paria  extended  much  beyond  eight  or  nine  degrees  north 
latitude,  to  which,  with  evident  error,  others  have  been  disposed 
to  limit  it,  not  knowing  that  New  Castile  and  New  Andalusia 
were  two  provinces  of  Paria,  and  that  the  six  hundred  leagues 
of  coast,  traversed  by  Pinion,  amounted  to  more  than  36  degrees 
(Ram.  t.  iii.  p.  13.  B.  p.  23.  B). 
17  257 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

he  satisfied  with  a  passing  and  fugitive  glance, 
but  having  measured  once  more  the  fourth  part 
of  the  terrestrial  perimeter,*  sees  again  the  shores 
with  which  he  is  enamoured,  again  explores  vast 
and  almost  boundless  tracts  of  territory,  visits 
the  northern  shores,f  where  men  of  gigantic 
stature  are  found,;  certain  of  bearing,  as  a  tribute 
to  covetous  Spain,  three  thousand  miles  of  conti 
nent.  His  companions  were  astonished,  and  with 
ravenous  eyes  viewed  the  rich  ear-rings  and  jew 
elled  necklaces  of  the  naked  Indians.  §  He  ad 
mired  their  proportions,  studied  their  language, 
considered  their  customs,  and  softened  by  the  com 
plaints  and  grievances  of  these  friendly  hosts, 
turned  his  sword  against  the  deadly  cannibals, 
who  tore  them  in  pieces  to  satiate  their  hunger. 
Meanwhile  abandoned  cosmography  recalls  him. 

*  Americus  was  more  than  52  degrees  distant  from  Cadiz ; 
hence  he  had  passed  over  nearly  the  fourth  part  of  the  terrestrial 
circuit. 

t  "We  resolved  to  turn  our  course  to  the  northwest,"  says 
Americus.  "  We  determined  to  sail  to  the  northern  parts :  we 
changed  our  navigation  towards  the  north."  In  fact,  Venez 
uela,  which  Americus  arrived  at,  is  changed  to  Tramontana, 
and  from  the  particular  position  of  the  ocean  in  that  place,  Co 
lumbus  took  the  occasion  to  call  it  the  North  Sea,  as  I  have  said 
in  another  place. 

$  Various  writers  think  these  giants  were  Patagonians,  which 
would  carry  Americus  towards  the  land  of  Magellan,  at  the 
south,  while  in  fact  he  went  to  the  north.  It  appears  that  sim 
ilar  gigantic  persons  inhabited  Yucatan,  as  Solorzano  observed, 
on  the  authority  of  Herrera.— De  Ind.  Jur.  1.  i.  c.  10,  n.  54. 
These  and  many  similar  accounts  of  the  early  navigators  have 
proved  to  be  exaggerations.— Trans. 

§  The  Spaniards,  greedy  for  riches,  were  never  sensible  of  the 
beauties  and  charms  of  the  lovely  climates  of  America.  Like 
the  Mammon  of  Milton,  who,  forgetting  every  delight  in  Heaven, 
always  kept  his  eyes  fixed  on  the  golden  pavement.— Raynal,  t. 
vi.  p.  70.  Americus  very  cautiously  observes,  "The  navigation 
has  been  very  profitable,  which  is  now  a  matter  of  high  con 
sideration,  and  particularly  in  this  kingdom,  where  inordinate 
covetousness  prevails." 

258 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

and  at  her  imperious  nod,  Americus  retraces  his 
footsteps,  and  reasons  with  himself.  Where  am  I? 
in  what  part  of  the  globe?  at  what  distance  from 
Calpe?  Physical  wonders  are  redoubled  every 
moment.  The  pole  that  was  elevated  so  lucidly 
above  the  horizon,  is  now  sunk  in  the  abyss  of  the 
ocean.  That  zone  which  inexperienced  philoso 
phers  declared  fatal  to  respiration  and  to  life,  con 
tains  within  its  beautiful  boundaries  an  innumer 
able  multitude  of  inhabitants.  Perhaps  I  am  now 
at  the  antipode  of  the  Tartar  or  the  Chinese.  Will 
my  story  be  credited  in  Europe,  if  the  new  Eden 
through  which  I  wander*  should  be  lost,  like  the 
old,  in  the  immensity  of  space?  Many  times  the 
setting  sun  left  him  pondering  upon  these  grave 
considerations,  and  many  times  surprised  him 
deeply  absorbed  in  them  when  it  rose.  To  dis 
cover  in  the  Antarctic  heavens  a  motionless  star, 
to  guide  the  pilot  through  the  regions  of  the 
South,  and  from  the  various  intersections  of  the 
meridians  with  the  equator,  f  to  determine  both 
the  position  of  the  country,  and  the  extent  of  the 
voyage — this  was  the  double  knot,  to  unravel 
which  Americus  devoted  the  silent  night.  It  was 

*  The  idea  of  having  found  in  America  a  terrestrial  paradise, 
was  common  to  Columbus  and  Americus ;  but  while  Columbus 
spoke  of  it  with  gross  fanaticism  (Hist.  Gen.  des  Voyag.,  t.  xlv. 
p.  219),  Americus  treated  the  idea  with  a  sobriety  and  a  delicacy 
which  do  honour  to  his  good  sense.  "  The  trees  are  so  beauti 
ful  and  so  odoriferous,  that  we  seem  to  be  in  a  terrestrial  para 
dise."  "  If  there  be  a  terrestrial  paradise  on  earth,  doubtless  it 
cannot  be  far  from  these  regions." 

+  Imagining  every  point  of  the  globe  cut  by  a  meridian,  and 
taking  for  the  first  any  point  whatever,  as  that  of  Paris,  the  dis 
tance  of  this  from  others,  counted  upon  the  equator,  is  called 
longitude.  Thus  the  meridian  of  Florence  cuts  the  equator  at  8 
degrees,  56  minutes,  59  seconds  east ;  that  of  London,  at  2  de 
grees,  5  minutes,  9  seconds  west ;  and  this  difference  of  the  two 
meridians,  in  crossing  the  equator,  determines  the  longitude  of 
Florence  and  London. 

259 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

more  a  matter  pertaining  to  his  glory,  than  a 
thing  absolutely  essential  to  designate  in  the 
firmament  the  opposite  pole;  but  to  secure  the 
honour  of  having  trodden  unknown  countries  for 
the  first  time,  it  was  indispensable  to  be  able  to 
show  the  way  to  them  again.  Meanwhile,  an 
exact  determination  of  the  geographical  longi 
tudes  may  contend  in  point  of  difficulty  with  the 
discovery  of  a  continent.  What  did  not  the  old 
philosophers  do,  what  had  not  more  recent  ones 
attempted,  to  solve  the  contumacious  problem? 
Despairing  of  solving  it  by  the  too  feeble  aid  of 
latitude  and  the  rhombi,*  they  brought  to  bear 
upon  it  the  boldest  computations,  they  invested  it 
with  the  most  formidable  analyses,  and  reduced  it 
almost  to  a  surrender  by  their  experiments  with 
a  hundred  orreries.!  What  then?  Their  fruitless 
exertions  left  them  finally  to  learn  from  Vespucius 
the  art  of  subduing  the  rebel.  His  inventive  gen 
ius  pursues  the  question  through  the  two  tropics.  J 
he  watches ;  he  meditates ;  he  reasons.  It  may  be 
said,  that  abstruse  formulas  and  imperfect  instru 
ments  were  impediments  to  his  career.  He  notes 
the  moment  of  an  astronomical  conjunction,  pro 
ceeds  at  once  to  the  determination  of  the  longi 
tude,  and  either  the  tables  to  which  he  recurs,  or 
the  instruments  he  employs,  lie.  But  he  is  the 
possessor  of  the  secret ;  his  method  is  certain ;  no 
one  knew  it  before  Americus,  no  one  has  aban 
doned  it  since.  §  Well  may  all  the  discourteous 
forgetfulness  of  men  vanish,  because  this  original 

*  EncycL,  art.  Longitude. 

+  Bailly,  Hist,  de  1' Astr.  Mod.  p.  Ill,  &c. 

t  All  the  instruments  of  Americus,  in  this  very  difficult  re 
search,  were  a  quadrant  and  an  astrolabe ;  all  his  books,  the 
almanack  of  Monteregio  and  the  tables  of  Alphonso.  Genius  is 
like  nature— it  is  contented  with  little. 

§  Diss.  Gius.,  No.  79. 

260 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

method  which  the  ingenious  European  brought 
forth  for  the  first  time  under  a  savage  sky,  and 
employed  for  the  first  time  in  fixing  its  geographi 
cal  character,  does  not  appear  in  the  first  place 
in  the  American  memorials  of  Astronomy— the 
inestimable  anticipated  fruit  of  the  civilized  hemi 
sphere. 

Fortunate  Florence  rejoiced  at  the  proclamation 
of  these  discoveries.  The  noble  emporium  of  lit 
erature  and  commerce,  foreseeing  their  remote  con 
sequences,  with  joyful  illuminations,  hastened  to 
render  to  her  son  a  portion  of  the  honour  by 
which  he  has  made  her  so  illustrious  and  so 
renowned.*  With  joyful  illuminations  I  Ah  I  de 
plore  the  wretched  reward,  if  the  follies  of  a  dev 
astating  luxury,  and  magnificent  spectacles  giv 
ing  evidence  of  corruption  and  slavery,  have 
abolished  in  you  the  august  traces  of  republican 
simplicity.f  If  you  still  nourish  any  feeble  sparks 
of  ancient  virtue,  confess  that  Athens  and  Rome 
while  erecting  statues  to  Miltiades,  or  crowning 
the  brow  of  Postumius  with  a  wreath  of  myrtle, 
exhibit  a  far  superior  greatness,  than  while  de 
creeing  three  hundred  statues  to  Valerian,  or  while 
erecting  arches  and  temples  to  Antony.J  Americus 

*  Band.  Vit.  d'Am.  Vesp.  p.  xlv.  Though  such  festivities  are 
narrated  by  Bandini  to  have  taken  place  before  the  voyages  of 
Vespucius,  in  the  service  of  Portugal,  it  would  seem  that  they 
followed  the  voyage  of  1501  to  Brazil,  The  reason  is,  because 
the  relation  to  Soderini  did  not  arrive  in  Florence  till  after  the 
year  1504,  and  that  alone,  as  a  public  document,  might  have 
given  rise  to  the  festivities. 

t  The  most  enlightened  sovereigns,  fathers  of  their  subjects, 
have  always  abhorred  useless  pomp.  For  example,  Adrian, 
Marcus  Aurelius  and  Alexander  Severus.  The  truly  philo 
sophic  character  of  Leopold,  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  and  his 
noble  refusal  when  the  gratitude  of  the  people  offered  him  an 
equestrian  statue,  may  be  cited  as  another  example. 

t  Cujus  victorias  non  alienum  videtur  quale  praemium  Miltiadi 

sit  tributum  docere.    Ut  populi  nostri  honores  quondam  f uerunt 

261 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

received  at  the  hands  of  hie  native  country  the 
illustrious  rewards  of  a  respected  citizen,  while 
Spain,  forgetful  of  the  foreigner  who  boasted  no 
titles  but  those  of  courage  and  genius,  rewarded 
him  only  with  the  usual  stipend  of  a  faithful  sub 
ject.*  Great  men  are  certainly  great  phenomena 
in  nature;  rare  among  a  multitude  of  ordinary 
productions,  and  unmoved  by  the  confined  powers 
of  vulgar  systems,  they  excite  ideas  of  the  ad 
mirable,  and  present  to  the  curious  philosopher  an 
immense  perspective  of  new  combinations.  It  is 

rari  et  tenues,  ob  eamque  causam  gloriosi— sic  olim  apud  Athe- 
nienses  fuisse  reperrimus.  Namque  huic  Miltiadi — tails  honos 
tributus  est  in  Porticu  quae  Poecile  vocatur— ut  in  decem  Prae- 
torum  numero  prima  ejus  imago  poneretur— Idem  ille  populus 
postea  quam  corruptus  est,  trecentas  statuas  Demetrio  Phalerio 
decrevit.— Cor.  Nepos.  Miltiades. 

*  Everything  convinces  me,  that  in  1500,  a  cabal  was  in  opera 
tion  to  ruin  Americus  with  the  court  of  Spain,  although,  con 
scious  of  his  rectitude,  and  the  benevolence  of  the  king,  he 
seemed  not  to  have  feared  it.  It  is  certain,  that  returning  from 
his  second  voyage,  he  was  very  ill-treated  at  the  Antillas  by  the 
companions  of  Columbus.  "  I  think  through  envy,"  he  says 
himself.  Who  can  be  persuaded  that  this  envy  ended  in  the 
Antillas,  and  did  not  follow  him  to  Europe  ?  He  had  scarcely 
arrived  In  court,  wlien  the  king,  moved  by  the  greatness  of  his 
services,  engages  him,  in  the  same  year,  1500,  for  a  third  voyage, 
with  the  rank  of  commander  of  three  vessels.  "  They  are  fitting 
out  three  ships  for  me  here,  and  I  think  they  will  be  ready  bv 
the  middle  of  September."  But  behold  the  whole  face  of  things 
suddenly  changed.  In  spite  of  the  esteem  of  the  king,  the  medi 
tated  voyage  vanishes,  Americus  leaves  Seville  secretly,  and,  in 
the  month  of  May  of  the  following  year,  1501,  we  flnd  him  upon 
the  ships  of  Portugal.  This  change  of  circumstances,  which 
would  be  in  vain  attributed  to  the  caprice  or  inconstancy  of 
Americus,  cannot  be  explained,  without  supposing  some  inter 
ference  of  his  enemies.  Here  is  something  confirmatory  of  this 
view.  "The  Spaniards  having  shown  very  little  gratitude  to 
him  (to  Vespucius)  for  all  his  discoveries,  their  ingratitude  mor 
tified  him  keenly.  Emmanuel,  King  of  Portugal,  jealous  of  the 
success  of  the  Catholic  kings,  informed  of  the  dissatisfaction 
of  Vespucius,  enticed  him  into  his  kingdom.1'— Nouv.  Diet. 
Hist.  Art.  Americ.  Vespuce. 

262 


AMEKICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

a  strange  misfortune  that  such  great  similarity 
of  endowment  is  coupled  with  so  different  a  fate, 
and  that  a  great  phenomenon  may  be  great  with 
impunity,  while  a  great  man  cannot.  Both  con 
front  prejudices  and  prostrate  them;  both  con 
tend  with  ignorant  pride,  and  confound  it.  But 
that  encounter,  and  that  contest,  which  render  a 
great  phenomenon  more  famous,  expose  the  great 
man  to  the  fatal  action  of  inexorable  circum 
stances,  and  although  sometimes  he  is  trium 
phant,  he  is  often  left  without  a  single  mark  of  his 
triumph.  Implacable  envy  resists  him;  dark 
calumny  lacerates  him ;  he  who  was  yesterday  the 
wonder  of  his  age,  to-day  is  deserted ;  and  at  the 
sound  of  his  ruin,  rewards  and  honours  desert 
him.  This  is  the  reason  why  history,  so  fertile  and 
diffuse  in  the  catalogue  of  celebrated  personages, 
seems  so  limited  and  barren  in  her  description  of 
their  rewards.*  Every  age  boasts  some  tran 
scendent  spirits,  but  not  in  every  age  are  found 
generous  and  feeling  hearts. 

This  cruel  truth  has  often  led  to  the  very  bor 
ders  of  absurdity.  Superior  talents  seemed  an  un 
fortunate  gift  of  Heaven,  and  in  order  to  hide  them 
from  the  jealousy  of  tyrants,  they  have  often  lan 
guished  in  degradation  and  stupid  inaction.f  As 
if  the  moon  should  renounce  her  usual  course  to 

*  The  large  dictionary  of  Moreri  is  in  four  large  volumes,  and 
might  be  augmented.  We  grant  three-quarters  of  the  work  to 
the  names  and  matters  which  are  foreign  to  our  subject ;  the 
names  of  truly  great  men  would  occupy  but  one  volume  folio. 
The  work  of  Du-Tillet,  "An  Essay  upon  the  honours  and  monu 
ments  granted  to  illustrious  scholars,'1  is  a  little  volume  in  12mo. 

t  Descartes  and  Newton,  by  concealing  themselves,  as  it  were, 
are  a  proof  of  it.  The  former  was  so  disturbed  by  the  imprison 
ment  of  Galileo,  that  he  was  on  the  point  of  burning  all  his 
writings— Thomas  Elog.  de  Descar.— the  latter  suppressed  his 
"  Method  of  Fluxions,"  discouraged  by  the  silly  objections  with 
which  his  discoveries  were  assailed.— Montucla,-,  1. 11.  p.  312. 
263 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

appease  the  barkings  of  the  capricious  mastiff ;  or 
the  sun  cease  to  dispense  his  rays,  because  the 
senseless  Ethiop,  from  the  sultry  atmosphere  of  a 
fiery  zone,  throws  javelins  and  reproaches  at  it.* 
Americus  did  not  follow  such  counsels.  The  star 
which  is  never  darkened,  leaves  the  misty  horizon 
involved  in  its  clouds,  and  sheds  its  light  else 
where.  See  him  upon  the  ships  of  Portugal,  mak 
ing  the  winds  and  the  ocean  show  him  the  new 
line  of  the  Vatican. f 

*         »          **•*•** 

[The  programme  of  the  academy  required  the 
introduction  of  some  eulogistic  remarks  respecting 
the  King  of  France  and  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tus 
cany,  which  the  writer  ingeniously  brought  in  at 
this  place.  Being  foreign  to  the  subject,  they  are 
omitted .— Trans.  ] 

But  was  Heaven  wearied  with  favouring  his  de 
signs?  A  thick  mist  suddenly  darkens  the  seren 
ity  of  the  day,  with  the  whispering  of  the  exaspe 
rated  winds  mingles  the  wild  burst  of  thunder  and 
the  lurid  glare  of  the  lightning.  The  Atlantic 
rolls  a  thousand  whirlpools  beneath  the  trembling 
fleet.  His  companions  lose  all  hope,  and  without 
knowing  through  what  region  they  are  wandering, 
or  where  the  mad  encounter  of  the  waves  may 

*  Solem  orientem  occidentumque  dira  imprecatione  contuen- 
tur  (JSthiopes)  ut  exitralem  ipsis  agrisque.— Plin.  1.  5.  c.  8. 
Perhaps  Job  alludes  to  this  custom  when  he  speaks  of  those  who 
curse  the  day.  On  the  reverse  of  a  medal  prepared  In  honour  of 
the  immortal  poetess,  Corilla  Olimpica,  the  sun  is  seen  pierced 
with  arrows  by  some  Ethiopians,  with  the  legend  taken  from 
Job,  "  Who  curse  the  day." 

+  Alexander  VI.,  in  the  year  1493,  issued  a  bull  in  which  (tak 
ing  100  leagues  beyond  the  Azores,  an  ideal  meridian,  as  a  line 
of  demarcation)  he  conceded  to  Spain  all  discoveries  to  be  made 
towards  the  West,  in  the  extent  of  180  degrees,  and  to  Portugal 
all  those  which  should  be  made  towards  the  East  in  the  remain 
ing  180  degrees.  The  limit  was  afterwards  changed. 
264 


AMERICUS  VESPFCIUS. 

drive  them,  feel  only  that  they  are  running  help 
lessly  to  shipwreck  and  death.  Then  appeared  the 
valour  of  those  skilful  commanders,*  to  whom,  in 
order  to  undervalue  Americus,  the  merit  of  the 
discoveries  is  attributed.  Abominable  ignorance 
and  pride !  Contemptible  band  of  greedy  traf 
fickers  If  In  vain  would  ye  have  invoked  with 
your  dying  exclamations  the  impotent  riches  with 
which  ye  had  equipped  your  fleet,  had  not  Ameri 
cus  come  to  your  succour.  To  abandon  the  com 
mand,  to  grasp  the  helm,  to  consult  the  faithful 
instruments  of  his  beloved  science,  and  restore 
calmness  and  safety  to  the  disheartened  mari 
ners,  was  the  work  of  an  instant.  This  was  little. 
He  returns  not  to  Nigritia,  from  which  he  had  de 
parted,  he  turns  not  to  some  known  country,  where 
he  may  rest  securely,  but  not  fearing  the  absence 
of  the  sun,  at  the  time  tending  to  the  summer  sol 
stice,  and  defying  the  most  terrible  dangers,  he 
follows  for  two  thousand  miles  the  circle  of  the 
equinoxes;  and,  victor  over  the  storms  and  the 
winter,  discovers  the  rich  country  of  Brazil,  and 


*  See  Tirab.  p.  189 ;  Diss.  Giustif .  No.  34. 

+  Although  history  seems  to  justify  the  idea  that  Americus 
sailed  at  the  expense  of  the  sovereigns  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  it 
is  very  probable  that  after  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus,  another 
usage  was  introduced  into  the  two  kingdoms.  "  The  forces  of 
Cortez  were  not  supported  by  the  government,  which,  in  the  at 
tempts  which  were  made  to  discover  new  countries,  and  in  form 
ing  new  establishments,  gave  only  the  aid  of  its  name.  All  was 
executed  at  the  expense  of  individuals,  who,  if  fortune  had 
abandoned  them,  would  certainly  have  been  ruined.  But  their 
enterprises  always  extended  the  dominions  of  the  mother  coun 
try.  After  the  first  expeditions,  she  never  formed  a  plan,  never 
opened  her  treasury,  never  recruited  any  troops.— Raynal,  t.  vi. 
p.  53.  Thus  navigated  Ojeda,  Pinzon,  &c.— Robert.  D.  i.  p.  194. 
Americus  himself  does  not  leave  us  in  doubt  about  this,  when  he 
relates  what  share  he  had  in  the  sale  of  200  slaves,  which,  but 
for  that,  would  have  belonged  to  the  crown. 

265 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

presents  it  in  homage  at  the  foot  of  the  throne  of 
Portugal.* 

It  was  in  Brazil  that  Americus  showed  the  great 
talents  of  a  Theophrastus  and  a  Pliny.  A  pas 
sionate  admirer  of  nature,  full  of  lively  desire  to 
search  into  its  divine  beauties,  and  endowed  with 
the  finest  sensibility  to  feel  and  describe  them,  see 
him  wandering  with  ecstacy  through  the  woods 
and  over  the  mountains ;  arrested  at  the  sight  of 
a  tree,  a  bird,  or  a  stone;  gathering  the  beautiful 
fruits,  the  pure  gums,  and  balsams ;  contemplating 
with  transport  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  temper 
ature  of  the  climate,  the  great  quantity  of  nutri 
tious  roots,  the  power  of  medicinal  juices,  the 
health,  the  vigour,  the  long  life  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  courageously  defying  the  naturalist  of  the 
Old  World  to  find  in  Europe  or  Asia  so  much  to 
interest  the  student,  as  Brazil  alone  offers  at  every 
step  to  the  observation  of  the  stranger.  Night 
does  not  snatch  from  him  the  pompous  spectacle 
of  the  earth,  but  varies  his  delight  with  her  chang 
ing  meteors  and  her  unchanging  lights  of  the 
firmament.  Ho  will  tell  you  the  magnitude  of 
them,  their  places,  their  order,  and  their  motion  ;t 

*  Brazil  was  discovered  by  Vespucius  while  he  was  navigating 
for  Ferdinand  (Diss.  G4us.  No.  71),  but  Spain  made  no  account 
of  it,  for  various  reasons.  It  was  then  carefully  visited,  and  al 
most  discovered  anew,  by  him,  while  in  the  service  of  Portugal. 

t  The  Southern  Cross  is  perhaps  the  most  celebrated  of  the 
figures  or  constellations  observed  by  Vespucius.  They  are 
spoken  of  as  an  admirable  order  of  stars,  and  a  notable  circum 
stance,  by  Andrea  Corsali  and  Gonzalo  d'Oviedo.— Ramus.  t.  i. 
p.  177,  D.  t.  iii.  p.  73.  F.  Merian  also,  reflecting  upon  the  famous 
verses  of  Dante,  thus  expresses  himself :  "  What  a  wonderful 
thing !  Those  four  stars  are  found  in  the  place  indicated— three 
of  the  second  and  one  of  the  third  magnitude—they  form  to 
gether  the  most  brilliant  of  the  circumpolar  constellations.  The 
foremost  has  nearly  63  degrees  of  apparent  southern  declination, 
and  consequently  is  28  degrees  distant  from  the  pole.  Let  us 
imagine  the  surprise  of  Americus  Vespucius,  when,  after  hav- 
266 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

he  will  enumerate  them ;  he  will  draw  curious  fig 
ures  of  them ;  that  the  South  may  not  envy  the 
North  its  advantages  and  its  fame,  he  will  enrich 
with  Southern  constellations*  the  in teresting cata 
logue  of  the  fixed  stars.  Ah  I  where  is  that  prec 
ious  volume  to  which  Vespucius  consigned  such 
vast  treasures  of  natural  science  and  astronomi 
cal  erudition?  What  unworthy  plot,  or  what 
secret  disaster,  caused  it  to  perish  miserably  in 
the  hands  of  a  sovereign,  who,  for  the  fortune  and 
glory  of  Portugal,  should  have  jealously  guarded 
it?  Let  him  who  doubts  this  great  loss,  who  pre 
tends  that  this  important  work  still  lies  buried 
among  dusty  archives,  turn  to  Brazil,  and  ex 
plain,  at  least,  how  this  happy  land  is  suddenly 
transformed  into  an  abominable  and  cursed  land, 
into  an  opprobrious  prison  for  the  wicked,  an  in 
famous  receptacle  for  the  dregs  of  a  kingdom,! 
Ah  1  if  the  Portuguese,  no  less  greedy  than  the 
Castilian,  had  possessed  those  faithful  memo 
rials  wherein  Americus,  after  picturing  its  splen 
did  climate,  gives  magnificent  descriptions  of 
pearls,t  diamonds,  and  gold,  full  well  I  know 
that  Brazil  would  not  have  waited  two  cen 
turies  to  become  the  delight  and  the  treasury  of 
Portugal.  § 

ing  passed  the  line  6  degrees,  he  suddenly  discovered  those 
stars,  and  recollected  immediately  the  verses  of  the  poet  (or  shall 
I  say,  of  the  prophet  ?)."— Toscan,  Nouv.  Mem.  de  Berlin,  an. 
1784,  p.  515. 

*  Riccoli  Aim.  Nov.  L.  6,  p.  410. 

t  Eaynal,  t.  ix.  p.  7. 

%  The  country  does  not  produce  any  metal  except  gold,  of 
which  there  is  a  great  abundance.  They  have  many  pearls  and 
precious  stones  (Fesp.),  "What  negligence,  what  unskilful- 
ness  in  those  commissaries  who,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  as 
sured  the  court  of  Lisbon  that  there  was  neither  gold  nor  silver 
to  be  found  there !  "—Raynal,  t.  ix.  p.  7. 

§  Raynal,  t.  ix.  p.  115. 

267 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

The  consideration  of  this  speaking  example  en 
lightens  me.  How  can  we  hope  to  civilize  Amer 
ica,*  if,  despising  her  when  she  is  poor,  and  run 
ning  to  spoil  her  as  soon  as  she  proclaims  her 
riches,  we  give  ample  intimation  that  we  would 
willingly  change  a  savage  into  gold,  but  are  little 
disposed  to  change  him  into  a  citizen  or  a  scholar. 
There  gleams,  I  know  it  well,  in  Northern  America, 
a  splendid  Aurora  of  pleasing  hopes,!  and  from 
the  union  of  friendship  and  peace  which  binds  the 
shore-provinces  together,  I  have  a  right  to  augur 
for  the  West  more  fortunate  and  more  pleasing 
days.  Moral  culture  and  science  are  not  propa 
gated  with  the  celerity  of  light 4  How  many  gen 
erations  will  live  and  die,  how  many  ages  will 
pass  away  before  the  muses  find  a  kingdom  in 
America,  with  its  academies  and  lyceums  equal 
ling  the  number  of  the  bulwarks  which  encircle  her 
mines.  Perhaps  the  wandering  inhabitants  of 
those  rich  forests  will  resist  forever  the  social  yoke 
of  which  they  feel  not  the  necessity  ;§  perhaps 
they  will  never  be  able  to  extirpate  from  the 
spirit  of  a  Patagonian  and  a  cannibal  those  ideas 

*  In  the  programme  of  the  Etruscan  Academy,  it  is  also  de 
sired  that  in  the  Eulogy  of  Americus,  some  notice  may  be  taken 
of  the  future  civilization  of  America,  and  it  is  sketched  in  this 
place. 

t  "  The  independence  of  the  Anglo-Americans  is  the  most  pro 
pitious  event  to  accelerating  the  revolution  which  is  to  repro 
duce  happiness  upon  earth."— Genty,  p.  317. 

*  It  must  not  be  expected  that  every  thing  will  be  reduced  to 
order  in  a  few  years,  and  that  the  present  generation  will  enjoy 
the  enchanting  spectacle  of  general  felicity.— Genty,  p.  316. 
While  I  was  thinking  thus,  in  the  year  1788,  the  greatest  men, 
Borda,  La  Grange,  La  Place,  Monge,  and  Condorcet,  were  writ 
ing  similar  words  in  France.— Hist,  de  VAcad.  R.  des  Sci.  an. 
1738,  p.  10. 

8  The  sentiment  is  from  Plato.    "For  when  they  asked  him 

(the  Cyreneans  asked  Plato)  to  write  some  laws  for  them,  and 

bring  the  people  into  some  kind  of  order,  he  said  it  was  a  diffl- 

268 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

that  are  insuperably  opposed  to  instruction,  and 
close  every  avenue  to  images  of  the  beautiful  and 
the  true;  perhaps,  being  contented  with  merely 
inspiring  their  limited  understandings  with  a  re 
ligious  feeling,  and  then  leaving  them  in  their 
native  infancy,  will  have  a  less  evil  tendency  than 
bringing  them  to  that  indefinable  compound  of 
knowledge  and  vice,  which  constitutes,  in  fact,  the 
superiority  of  European  worship  over  that  of  the 
ignorant  native.  Who  can  say  whether  there  will 
ever  be  on  the  earth  generous  mortals  to  attempt 
the  laborious  enterprise,  and  who  will  have  the 
heart  and  the  head  to  succeed  in  it?*  We  find 
but  two  examples  through  the  long  course  of 
three  centuries,  Americus  and  Las  Casas,  who 
may  be  cited  as  the  possessors  of  such  quali 
ties.  But  Las  Casas,  with  superhuman  talent, 
and  with  the  celestial  fervour  which  animated 
him,  wanted  power  and  assistance;  and  Amer 
icus,  now  bent  with  the  weight  of  laurels  and 
years,  could  only  point  the  Europeans  to  the 
blameless  path  which  he  had  marked  out  for  their 
guidance. 

Permit  me  to  pass  over  in  silence  his  other  pas 
sage  across  the  line,  and  the  little  he  received  from 
repentant  Castile.  All  is  little,  all  is  common, 

cult  thing  to  introduce  laws  for  the  happy  Cyreneans,  for  that 
nothing  must  be  taken  away  from  men  without  their  consent." 
-Plutarch.  Lucullus.  Rayual  makes  the  same  reflection,  t. 
vIL  p.  65. 

*  He  (Tupia,  a  native  of  Tahiti)  was  in  fact  a  more  proper 
person,  perhaps,  than  any  European  whatever,  to  bring  them  to 
a  civil  and  social  state,  because  some  of  our  people  knew  how  to 
take  the  shortest  and  most  efficacious  way  in  instructing  them, 
not  seeing  exactly,  in  the  progress  of  their  elementary  ideas, 
those  intermediate  links  which  unite  the  weak  notions  of  such 
people  to  the  extended  sphere  of  our  own  knowledge.— Coofr. 
b.  v.  p.  363.  On  the  incapacity  of  the  Europeans  for  converting 
the  American,  see  also  Rolwtson,  Hint,  of  America. 
269 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

after  what  I  have  told  you.  Let  it  suffice  that 
the  universe,  astonished  at  his  deeds,  regarded 
him  as  the  confidant  of  the  stars,  as  the  father  of 
cosmography,  as  the  wonder  of  navigation,  and 
having,  by  the  unanimous  suffrages  of  all  nations, 
abolished  that  primitive  denomination,  the  New 
World,  willed  that  the  continent  should  derive  its 
name  from  Americus  alone,  and  with  sublime 
gratitude  and  justice,  secured  that  reward  to  him, 
and  an  eternity  of  fame.  But,  will  you  believe 
it?  Italy,  though  a  participator  in  his  glory,  and 
England,  though  enlightened  and  sagacious,  still 
nourish  hearts  so  ungrateful  and  minds  so  nar 
row,  that  they  have  not  only  dishonoured  with 
satire  the  incomparable  deeds  of  Vespucius,  but, 
expostulating  loudly  against  the  unanimous  decree 
of  the  nations,  have  made  it  criminal  in  Americus 
that  his  name  has  been  thus  adopted,  and  have 
depicted  him  in  the  black  colours  of  an  ambitious 
usurper.  O  shame  I  O  blindness  I  Should  not 
Italy  remember  Mezio ;  England,  Guerk ;  and  both, 
the  renowned  Conon?  The  artist  of  Holland 
fabricated  that  admirable  telescope  which  is  called 
Galilean ;  *  the  consul  of  Magdeburgh  f  invented 
that  interesting  machine  which  bears  the  name  of 
Boyle;  the  geometrician  of  Samos  described  the 
celebrated  curve  which  was  afterwards  called  Arch 
imedean;  and  he  deserves  to  give  his  name  to  a 
country  who  first  had  the  intrepidity  to  penetrate! 

*  Montucla,  Hist,  des  Mathe"m.,  torn.  II.  p.  166. 
t  Newton.  Opt.  L.  2,  part  3,  prop.  8. 

*  Montucla,  Hist,  des  Mathe'm.,  t.  i.  p.  337,  where  he  concludes 
with  these  words,  which  are  literally  adapted  to  Americus: 
"He  who  penetrates  farthest  into  a  country,  has  a  better  title  to 
give  it  his  name,  than  he  who  only  reconnoitres  it."    Americus 
first  made  the  conquest  of  this  country,  not  by  sacking  and  de 
populating  it,  but  by  discovering  it,  by  penetrating  it,  by  ob 
serving  its  immense  riches,  and  by  giving  a  minute  account  of 
it.-Lettera  al.  Sig.  P.  Allegrini,  p.  11. 

270 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS. 

or  conquer  it,  rather  than  he  who  is  satisfied  to 
reconnoitre  it  at  a  distance. 

No,  it  is  not  true  that  death  silences  envy. 
After  fifty  lustrums,  the  memory  and  the  ashes  of 
Americus  are  insulted.  Oh  I  if  his  native  country, 
whose  name  he  always  bore  engraved  on  his 
affectionate  heart,  if  the  gentle  friends  among 
whom  he  longed  to  pass  his  last  days,  could  have 
foreseen  his  unworthy  fate,  with  what  proofs,  with 
what  authentic  testimonies,  would  they  not  have 
disarmed  the  rancour  of  an  incredulous  posterity  I 
But,  placing  too  much  confidence  in  the  rich  light 
that  encircled  the  citizen  and  the  friend,  they 
wept  his  loss  with  bitterness,  though  they  neg 
lected  to  establish  his  glory.  He  died.*  Seek 
for  his  sepulchre  in  Terceira,  in  the  bosom  of  the 
ocean,  between  the  two  continents  which  are  in 
debted  to  him  for  power  and  name.f  How  much 
better  could  we  show  the  stranger  his  monument 
in  his  own  land  1  in  the  midst  of  us  1  Look  at 
the  urn  of  Galileo :  does  it  not  seem  to  want  at 
its  side  the  tomb  and  image  of  Vespucius?  The 
memory  of  the  two  divine  geniuses  who  discovered 
so  large  a  part  of  the  earth  and  of  the  heavens, 
would  arrest  the  steps  of  the  traveller,  and  while 
redoubling  his  encomiums  on  the  famous  Floren- 

*  "Americus  Vespucius  died  in  Terceira,  one  of  the  Azore 
Islands,  and  it  is  the  common  opinion  that  his  death  happened 
in  1508.  Others  think,  on  the  authority  of  the  archives,  that 
he  died  in  Seville  in  1513,  but  the  archives  are  entitled  to 
credit  only  when  they  can  be  found  by  all."  Canovai  was  un 
doubtedly  in  eiTor  as  to  the  place  of  the  death  of  Americus.— 
Trans. 

t  Between  America  and  Spain  lie  the  Azores,  nine  islands 
which  are  called  Flandricae,  from  the  discoverer  Flandro.— 
Chev.  Intr.  in  Un.  Geogr.  p.  666.  The  Indians  alone  can  be 
ignorant  that  the  discovery  of  America  has  produced  the  power 
of  Europe.  Thus  she  has  known  how  to  profit  by  it  l—Genty, 
P,  211,  &c. 

271 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

tine,  he  would  confess  with  transport,  that  the 
Athens  of  Italy  was  not  contented  with  produc 
ing  great  men,  but  knew  also  how  to  value  the 
honour  of  having  produced  them.* 

*  Averani  was  accustomed  to  say,  that  "Galileo  and  Vespu- 
cius  had  so  ordered  it,  that  we  could  not  raise  our  eyes  to 
heaven,  nor  cast  them  down  to  the  earth,  without  remembering 
the  glory  of  the  Florentines."— Algarot.  t.  iv.  p.  137. 


272 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


TRANSLATOR'S  REMARKS. 

The  foregoing  Eulogium  produced  a  great  sen 
sation  in  Italy.  It  was  one  of  the  firot  fruits  of 
the  influence,  then  just  beginning  to  be  felt,  of  the 
vast  intellectual  activity  which  pervaded  France  at 
the  period  of  its  delivery.  The  strongest  French 
writers  of  the  Republican  Era,  whose  works  and 
speeches  upon  the  inalienable  rights  of  man  were 
then  electrifying  the  world,  found  nowhere  a 
readier  response  than  that  which  came  from  the 
ardent  hearts  of  the  Patriots  of  the  Italian  States. 
The  reader  cannot  have  failed  to  remark  the  warm 
and  enthusiastic  love  of  country  which  dictated 
many  of  the  sentences  of  the  Eulogist.  Imme 
diately  following  its  delivery  and  publication 
societies  and  clubs  sprang  into  existence  in  every 
part  of  the  Peninsula,  whose  object  was  to  fur 
nish  premiums  for  similar  orations,  devoted  to 
the  illustration  of  the  lives  and  characters  of  the 
many  scientific  and  patriotic  men  who  had,  in 
previous  ages,  shed  lustre  on  the  annals  of  the  old 
Republics.  Too  deeply  fired  with  national  feeling 
to  suit  the  ruling  powers,  many  of  these  produc 
tions  never  saw  the  light ;  but,  passing  from  hand 
to  hand  in  manuscript,  they  made  many  a  youth 
ful  heart  glow  with  brighter  hopes  for  his  coun 
try,  and  prepared  in  advance  a  warm  welcome 
for  the  French  armies  when  they  came  victori 
ously  over  the  Alps. 

In  order  fully  to  appreciate  the  merit  of  the  Eu 
logist,  his  work  should  be  read  in  the  language  in 
which  it  is  written.  Every  species  of  composi- 
18  273 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

tion  loses  something  by  a  translation,  and  none 
suffer  more  than  works  of  this  nature.  There  is  a 
certain  wealth  and  fulness  of  expression  in  the 
Italian  tongue,  which,  though  mellifluous  beyond 
expression  to  an  Italian  ear,  adds  much  to  the 
difficulty  of  a  translation.  This,  perhaps,  is  the 
reason  why  so  few  of  the  works  of  the  authors  of 
Italy,  compared  with  those  of  other  countries, 
have  been  rendered  into  English.  There  are  mines 
of  wealth  yet  unattempted  in  her  literature,  and 
open  only  to  those  who  are  familiar  with  her 
language. 

There  are  some  exaggerations  and  historical  in 
accuracies  in  the  Eulogium.  They  are,  however, 
of  trifling  importance,  and,  for  the  sake  of  a  faith 
ful  translation,  have  been  allowed  to  stand  un 
altered.  The  reader  has  either  perceived  and  cor 
rected  them  in  his  own  mind,  or  they  have  been 
of  no  material  disadvantage  to  him. 

At  the  commencement  of  his  Justificatory  Dis 
sertation,  Canovai  gives  the  motives  which  led 
him  to  undertake  the  composition  of  the  Eulo 
gium,  as  well  as  the  dissertation  itself. 

"Just  relieved,"  he  says,  "from  the  extraordi 
nary  occupations  in  connexion  with  astronomy, 
which  my  colleague  engaged  me  to  undertake,  in 
the  month  of  May,  in  the  year  1788,  I  turned  my 
attention  to  Americus  Vespucius,  and  more  to  re 
lieve  my  mind  from  too  severe  application  than 
from  any  other  motive,  I  determined  to  write  a 
eulogium  of  him.  I  confess  I  was  surprised  at  the 
names  and  number  of  the  enemies  of  this  immortal 
man;  but  the  History  of  Italian  Literature  by 
Tiraboschi  alarmed  me  more  than  any  other  book 
which  I  consulted.  I  there  found  collected  into 
one  mass  all  the  alleged  crimes  of  the  Florentine 
navigator.  The  high  estimation  which  this  writer 
274 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

enjoyed  in  Italy  made  me  almost  despair  of  Ves- 
pucius,  for  Tiraboschi,  satisfied  with  merely  desir 
ing  his  defence,  had  refrained  from  undertaking  it. 

I  would  have  given  up  the  idea  of  praising  a 
man  so  little  worthy  of  praise,  if  the  programme 
of  the  learned  Etruscan  Academy  had  not  revived 
my  courage.  Was  it  possible  that  so  famous  a 
body  of  literary  men  could  decree  a  eulogy  to  one 
who  merited  a  satire,  if  it  were  possible  to  sustain 
so  many  accusations?  Having,  therefore,  in  the 
extremely  limited  space  of  time  allowed  me,  com 
bined  in  the  best  manner  I  could,  a  defence  of  the 
truth,  of  which  I  felt  persuaded,  I  wrote  the  Eu 
logy,  appended  some  notes  to  it,  to  serve  as  a 
foundation,  and  at  the  time  appointed,  sent  it,  as 
other  writers  did,  to  its  destination.  From  that 
moment  a  lively  desire  to  purify  completely  the 
character  of  Americus  has  constantly  haunted  me. 
Meaning  to  compose,  at  one  time  or  another,  an 
argumentative  dissertation  on  this  subject,  to 
present  to  the  Academy,  I  gladly  consecrated  to 
the  accumulation  of  materials  all  the  few  leisure 
hours  which  my  profession  allowed  me  for  three 
months.  I  never  imagined  that  an  occasion,  or 
rather  a  necessity,  for  putting  my  design  into 
execution,  would  offer  so  soon.  The  dissertation 
sprang  up  under  my  pen  in  a  few  days,  and  I 
only  gave  it  to  the  Academy  and  the  public  as  an 
essay,  showing  what  might  be  said  in  favour  of 
the  accused  Vespucius,  since  the  weakness  of  his 
defenders  has  greatly  augmented  the  audacity 
of  his  enemies. 

The  convenience  I  derived  from  finding  myself 
furnished  by  Tiraboschi  alone  with  all  that  has 
been  invented  against  Americus,  made  me  prefer 
the  "History  of  Italian  Literature"  to  all  other 
works.  I  have  quoted  it,  and  I  have  attacked  it 
275 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

more  freely  than  usual,  as  a  new  collection  of  ob 
servations,  of  authorities,  of  information,  which 
that  historian  either  suppressed  or  did  not  value, 
and  particularly  as  the  frequent  complaint  of 
various  writers  have  obliged  me  to  consider  its 
criticism  and  its  apathy  with  more  serious  at 
tention." 


276 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


II. 
A  NARRATIVE 

ADDRESSED  TO 

LORENZO  Di  PIER-FRANCESCO   DE'  MEDICI; 

Giving  an  Account  of  the  Voyage  and  Discoveries  of 
Vasco  de  Gama  beyond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
the  Authorship  of  which  has  been  attrib 
uted  to  Americus  Vespucius. 

The  following  letter  is  given  by  Bandini,  in  one 
edition  of  his  "  Vita  e  Lettere,"  as  a  veritable  pro 
duction  of  Americus.  Canovai  rejects  it,  and  does 
not  publish  it  in  his  work.  In  his  preface,  he 
writes  respecting  it  as  follows  :  "To  him  who  asks 
me  why  I  do  not  publish  in  this  work  'The  Re 
lation  of  the  Voyage  of  Gama,'  freely  attributed 
to  Americus  by  Bandini,  and  printed  with  the 
direction  to  De'  Medici,  among  his  other  letters, 
I  would  reply  without  hesitation,  that  I  cannot 
believe  it  to  be  a  work  of  Vespucius.  It  is  dem 
onstrated  not  to  be  by  the  assertion  of  Ramusio, 
that  'the  Relation  was  written  by  a  Florentine 
gentleman,  who  happened  to  be  in  Lisbon  at  the 
return  of  said  fleet.'  Gama  returned  to  Lisbon 
while  Americus  was  in  the  West  Indies,  and  as  far 
as  we  know,  he  was  not  again  in  Portugal  before 
1501. 

Leaving  as  a  matter  of  controversy  this  state 
ment  of  Ramusio,  Bandini  adds  that  in  the  Riccar- 
diano  records  "the  diction  and  the  character  are 
those  of  Vespucius."  This  is  a  most  erroneous  as 
sertion  with  regard  to  the  diction,  for  it  is  certain 
277 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

that  the  slightest  comparison  of  the  letter  to  De' 
Medici  with  the  "Relation  of  the  Voyage  of  Gama" 
(consecutive  pieces  in  those  records)  is  sufficient 
to  convince  one  at  a  glance  that  the  two  writ 
ings,  though  perhaps  in  the  same  character,  can 
not  be  the  production  of  the  same  author.  The 
letter  speaks  of  latitudes,  longitudes,  astronomical 
methods,  American  languages,  &c.,  and  speaks  of 
them  in  a  certain  peculiar  style,  and  with  words 
and  phases  so  purely  Spanish  that  it  displays  dis 
tinctly  the  genius  of  him  who  wrote  it,  and  par 
ticularly  the  mingled  idiom  which  he  used  in  writ- 
ing.  Now  there  is  none  of  this  in  the  Narrative. 
We  find  there,  in  the  most  simple  Tuscan  language, 
a  description  of  the  popular  customs  of  Calicut, 
the  merchandise,  the  prices  of  the  most  valuable 
commodities,  the  money  current  in  trade,  the 
traffic  which  might  be  carried  on  there  with  Eu 
ropean  productions,  the  time  necessary  to  trans 
port  them  from  Lisbon;  yet  with  all  his  various 
accounts  of  gems,  spices,  and  dye-wood,  the  lati 
tude  of  the  country  is  never  mentioned.  Is  it 
possible  that  Americus  would  have  treated  the 
subject  so  stupidly? 

But  the  most  decisive  reason  against  Bandini, 
fs  an  inscription  in  the  same  character  as  that 
of  the  Narrative,  which  appears  on  the  manu 
script,  "  Copy  of  a  letter  from  the  King  of  Portu 
gal."  The  Riccardiano  Narrative  is  then  a  copy, 
and  not  a  letter  from  Americus.  In  fact,  by  what 
we  can  gather  from  his  few  hints  at  the  close  of 
his  first  letter  to  De'  Medici,  he  was  not  then  so 
greatly  enamoured  with  the  voyage  of  Gama 
as  to  write  a  relation  of  it.  That  Admiral  did 
nothing  but  reach  a  particular  destination  by  a 
new  route." 

Notwithstanding  these  arguments  of  Canovai, 
278 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

it  is  certainly  within  the  range  of  possibility  that 
the  Narrative  was  written  by  Americus.  He  ad 
mits  that  the  character  of  the  handwriting  was 
similar  to  that  of  the  Letter  to  De'  Medici  in  the 
Riccardiano  records;  and  the  fact  that  the  style 
was  not  corrupted  by  Spanish  idioms,  would 
weigh  as  strongly  against  at  least  one  of  his  let 
ters,  which  is  well  authenticated,  as  against  the 
Narrative.  That  Americus  was  not  in  Portugal  at 
the  date  of  the  arrival  of  De  Gama,  is  well  known, 
but  neither  that  fact,  nor  the  circumstance  that  he 
made  no  mention  of  the  latitudes  of  ports  which 
were  visited,  is  of  much  importance  in  the  con 
sideration  of  the  authorship.  It  is  very  possible 
that  Americus  prepared  the  statement  from  the 
words  of  one  of  the  companions  of  De  Gama,  for 
the  information  of  his  patron  either  before  or 
after  his  return. from  his  first  voyage  to  the  West, 
in  the  service  of  Portugal,  in  which  case  he  could 
not,  of  course,  fix  the  geographical  positions  of 
the  places  visited,  from  his  own  knowledge. 

The  Narrative,  in  its  general  features,  bears 
marks  of  similarity  to  the  other  writings  of  Ameri- 
cus.  It  is  devoted  to  a  subject  which  would  very 
naturally  have  employed  his  pen,  and  is  addressed 
to  one  who  had  long  been  his  correspondent  and 
patron.  Although  in  one  of  his  letters  Americus 
appears  rather  disposed  to  undervalue  the  expedi 
tion  of  De  Gama,  when  considered  in  the  light  of  a 
voyage  of  discovery,  yet  he  speaks  of  the  great 
profit  which  he  thinks  will  be  derived  from  another 
expedition  about  to  sail  to  the  same  parts.  This 
was  probably  the  very  reason  which  led  to  the 
composition  of  the  Narrative,  for  it  contains 
much  matter  of  mercantile  interest,  valuable  to  a 
person  as  extensively  engaged  in  commerce  as  De' 
Medici  was  at  that  time. 
279 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Canovai  may  have  been  correct  in  rejecting  this 
narrative  as  not  authentic,  for  no  positive  proof 
can  be  adduced  that  it  was  so.  The  impression 
which  the  document  itself  produces  upon  the  mind 
of  the  reader  is,  however,  of  some  weight  in  the 
solution  of  the  question,  and  in  connection  with 
its  intrinsic  interest,  this  consideration  has  led  to 
its  publication  in  this  work.  The  following  trans 
lation  has  been  made  from  a  German  version  of 
Bandini,  published  in  Hamburg  in  1748.  A  very 
limited  number  of  copies  of  that  edition  of  the 
Italian  biographer  which  contained  the  Narrative 
were  printed,  and  the  one  in  possession  of  the 
translator  having  been  unfortunately  stolen,  just 
as  the  translation  was  about  to  be  made,  it  was 
found  impossible  to  procure  another  copy  in 
America. 


280 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


THE  RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  GAMA. 

The  vessels  which  our  gracious  King  of  Portugal 
sent  upon  this  voyage  of  discovery  were  three  new 
caravels,  namely,  two  of  ninety  tons  burden  each, 
and  one  of  fifty  tons,  besides  a  ship  of  one  hun 
dred  and  ten  tons,  which  was  laden  with  pro 
visions.  These  vessels  were  manned  by  one  hun 
dred  and  eighteen  men,  and  sailed  on  the  19th  of 
July,  1497,  under  the  Captain  Vasco  de  Gama, 
from  Lisbon.  On  the  10th  of  July,  1499,  the 
caravel  of  fifty  tons  returned  to  the  city  of  Lis 
bon.  The  Captain  Vasco  de  Gama  remained  with 
one  of  the  caravels  of  ninety  tons  at  the  Cape 
Verd  Islands,  in  order  that  he  might  put  his  son, 
Paul  de  Gama,  on  shore,  for  he  was  sick  unto 
death.  They  had  previously  burnt  the  other  cara 
vel,  because  they  had  too  few  people  to  man  her 
properly,  and  also  the  vessel  which  acted  as  tender, 
because  she  was  not  seaworthy.  On  the  return 
voyage  fifty-five  of  the  crew  died,  of  a  sickness 
which  commenced  in  the  mouth,  and  spread  back 
into  the  throat,  and  also  caused  those  who  were 
attacked  with  it  great  pain  in  the  legs  from  the 
knees  to  the  feet. 

They  have  discovered  new  lands  about  one  hun 
dred  and  eighty  miles  from  that  already  discovered 
which  bears  the  name  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
and  was  visited  in  the  time  of  King  John.  Coast 
ing  this  shore  for  about  six  hundred  miles,  they 
met  with  a  great  river,  and  at  the  mouth  of  the 
same  a  large  village  inhabited  entirely  by  negroes, 
who  are  subject  to  the  Moors  that  live  in  the  in- 
281 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

terior,  and  have  conquered  them  in  war.  In  this 
river  there  is  an  abundance  of  gold,  as  the  ne 
groes  have  showed  them ;  they  told  our  people,  if 
they  would  remain  there  a  month,  they  would 
provide  them  an  immense  quantity  of  gold.  The 
commander,  however,  would  not  tarry,  but  sailed 
onward. 

When  we  had  progressed  about  three  hundred 
and  fifty  miles,  he  found  a  large  town  surrounded 
by  a  wall,  whose  inhabitants  were  grey  like  the 
Indians,  with  very  handsome  houses  built  of  stone 
and  chalk,  after  the  Moorish  fashion.  They  land 
ed  there.  The  Moorish  King  of  the  country  saw 
them  arrive  with  pleasure,  and  furnished  them 
with  a  pilot  to  conduct  them  across  the  Gulf.  The 
name  of  this  place  was  Melinda,  and  it  lies  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Great  Gulf,  the  entire  shore  of 
which  is  inhabited  by  Moors.  The  pilot,  whom 
the  King  of  Melinda  gave  them,  spoke  the  Italian 
language. 

They  sailed  from  Melinda  across  the  Gulf,  a 
voyage  of  about  seven  hundred  miles  in  extent, 
and  then  came  to  a  large  town,  inhabited  by 
Christians,  which  is  much  larger  than  Lisbon,  and 
is  called  Calicut.  The  entire  coast  of  this  gulf  is 
reported  to  be  inhabited  and  covered  with  Moor 
ish  towns  and  castles  in  every  direction.  At  the 
upper  end  of  this  gulf  is  a  strait,  and  on  passing 
through  this  strait  the  voyager  comes  to  another 
bay  or  sea,  on  the  right  hand,  which  is  the  Red 
Sea.  From  this  strait  to  the  temple  at  Mecca, 
where  Mahomet's  coffin  is  suspended,  it  is  not 
more  than  three  days'  journey.  Round  about  this 
temple  of  Mecca  is  a  large  town  inhabited  by 
Moors.  According  to  my  opinion  this  gulf  is  the 
same  which  Pliny  speaks  of,  and  which,  he  says, 
was  reached  by  Alexander  in  his  campaigns,  and 
282 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

which  the  Romans  also  arrived  at  in  their 
wars. 

Now  to  speak  more  at  length  of  the  town  of 
Calicut.  It  is  larger  than  Lisbon,  and  is  inhab 
ited  by  a  race  of  Christian  Indians,  who  are  of  an 
ash-grey  colour,  and  neither  black  nor  white. 
They  have  churches  with  bells,  but  neither  have 
they  any  priests,  nor  do  they  make  any  offerings. 
They  use  in  their  churches  a  basin  with  water,  as  we 
use  the  holy  water,  and  another  vessel  very  simi 
lar  to  a  censer.  Every  three  years  they  baptize 
in  the  river  which  flows  by  the  town.  In  the  town 
their  houses  are  built  of  stone  and  chalk,  and 
strait  streets  are  laid  out,  as  regular  as  those  in 
Italy.  The  monarch  of  the  country  is  very  splen 
didly  apparelled,  and  maintains  a  royal  retinue  of 
servitors,  squires,  and  chamberlains,  and  has. 
moreover,  a  very  beautiful  palace. 

When  the  commander  of  these  vessels  arrived 
there,  the  King  was  absent  from  the  city,  at  a 
castle  five  or  six  miles  distant.  The  moment  he 
heard  the  news  of  the  arrival  of  the  Christians,  he 
immediately  came  to  the  city  with  a  guard  of 
five  thousand  men.  Before  him  stood  a  body 
guard,  whose  lances  were  tipped  with  silver.  The 
Christians  were  received  in  a  room  where  the  King 
reclined  on  a  low  couch.  The  floor  of  this  room 
was  covered  with  white  cloth,  beautifully  embroid 
ered  with  gold  thread.  Over  the  couch  was  sus 
pended  a  most  sumptuous  canopy.  The  King 
immediately  inquired  of  the  commander  what  he 
desired.  The  commander  answered  that  it  was 
customary  among  Christians,  whenever  an  am 
bassador  laid  his  embassy  before  a  monarch,  that 
he  should  do  so  privately,  and  not  in  public.  The 
King  at  once  ordered  all  those  persons  who 
were  present  to  retire,  and  the  commander  then 
283 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

said  to  him,  that  a  long  time  had  elapsed  since  the 
King  of  Portugal  had  heard  of  his  grandeur  and 
magnificence,  and,  as  he  was  a  Christian  King,  and 
had  a  desire  to  cultivate  his  friendship,  therefore 
he  had  sent  him  as  an  ambassador  to  visit  him. 
as  was  customary  among  the  monarchs  of  Chris 
tendom.  The  King  received  this  message  most 
graciously,  and  commanded  that  the  ambassador 
should  be  taken  to  the  house  of  a  very  rich  Moor, 
and  sumptuously  entertained  there. 

In  this  city  live  many  extremely  wealthy  mer 
chants,  and  the  whole  power  of  the  kingdom  is 
in  their  hands.  They  have  a  magnificent  mosque 
in  the  market-place.  The  actions  of  the  King  are 
entirely  under  the  control  of  a  few  of  the  prin 
cipal  men  among  these  Moors,  either  on  account 
of  the  presents  which  they  make  him,  or  in  con 
sequence  of  their  intrigues.  They  have  the  entire 
government  in  their  hands,  for  the  Christians  are 
stupid  people,  and  but  little  given  to  intrigue. 

Every  kind  of  spice  is  found  in  this  city  of  Cali 
cut;  cinnamon,  pepper,  cloves,  ginger,  frankin 
cense,  besides  inestimable  quantities  of  gumlac  and 
sandal  wood,  of  which  all  the  forests  are  full. 
These  spices,  however,  do  not  grow  in  this  neigh 
bourhood,  but  in  certain  islands  distant  about 
one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  from  the  city.  These 
islands  are  only  about  a  mile  distant  from  the 
hhore,  but  by  land  it  is  twenty  days'  journey 
there.  They  are  inhabited  both  by  Moors  and 
Christians,  but  the  Moors  are  the  masters. 

In  the  town  of  Calicut  the  majority  of  the  coin 
which  is  current  consists  of  serafi  of  fine  gold,  a 
coin  of  the  Sultan's,  weighing  two  or  three  grains 
less  than  our  ducat,  and  which  is  here  called  sera- 
fino.  They  have  also  a  few  Genoese  and  Vene 
tian  ducats,  as  well  as  a  small  silver  coin,  with 
284 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

the  Sultan's  stamp  on  it.  There  are  large  quanti 
ties  of  silk  goods  in  Calicut,  and  velvet  of  all 
colours,  besides  a  cloth  made  very  much  like  velvet. 
Damask,  taffeta,  and  fine  plush  abound.  I  think 
that  most  of  these  stuffs  are  brought  from  Cairo. 

The  Portuguese  remained  three  months  in  this 
city,  namely,  from  the  19th  of  May  to  the  25th  of 
August,  during  which  time  they  saw  an  innumera 
ble  quantity  of  Moorish  ships.  They  say  that 
fifteen  hundred  Moorish  ships,  laden  with  spices, 
sail  from  this  port.  Their  largest  vessels  are  not 
over  two  hundred  tons  burden.  They  are  of  vari 
ous  kinds,  some  large  and  some  small,  but  have 
only  one  mast,  and  they  never  try  to  sail  them 
excepting  before  the  wind.  On  this  account  it 
often  happens  that  they  have  to  wait  from  four 
to  six  months  for  a  fair  wind,  and  are  not  un- 
frequently  shipwrecked.  They  are  constructed  in  a 
most  singular  manner,  are  very  weak,  and  carry 
no  arms  or  ordnance.  The  ships  which  sail  to  the 
Spice  Islands,  to  bring  spices  to  Calicut,  are  flat- 
bottomed,  and  draw  but  very  little  water.  Some 
of  them  are  made  without  the  least  particle  of 
iron,  because  they  are  obliged  to  pass  over  the 
magnet,  which  lies  not  far  from  these  islands.  All 
these  vessels,  when  they  are  at  the  city,  lie  inside 
of  a  pier  at  the  Lagoon,  and  only  furl  their  sails 
when  the  sea  is  high,  because  they  are  here  safe 
from  winter  and  the  sea.  There  is  no  good  haven 
there,  and  the  sea  flows  and  ebbs  every  six  hours, 
as  it  does  with  us.  There  are  often  in  port  at  the 
same  time  from  five  to  six  hundred  ships,  which 
is  a  great  number. 

Cinnamon  costs  in  this  city  from  ten  to  twelve 

ducats,  for  what  with  us  would  weigh  about  five 

stones,  that  being  about  the  highest  price,  that  is. 

ten  to  twelve  serafi.    In  the  islands  where  it  is 

285 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

gathered,  it  is  not  worth  so  much,  of  course.  Pep 
per  and  cloves  are  worth  about  the  same ;  ginger 
about  one  half  less.  Gumlac  is  worth  almost 
nothing,  for  there  is  so  much  of  it  that  they  use 
it  to  ballast  their  ships,  and  the  same  may  be 
said  of  sandal  wood,  of  which  the  forests  are  full. 
They  will  receive  nothing  in  payment  but  gold 
and  silver.  Corals  and  our  usual  wares  they 
value  but  little,  with  the  exception  of  linen.  This 
would  be  a  good  article  to  send  there,  because  the 
sailors  made  some  very  good  bargains,  by  ex 
changing  their  shirts  for  spices,  but  the  linen  must 
be  very  fine  and  white  bleached.  They  are  at 
present  obliged  to  get  it  from  Cairo.  There  are 
the  same  custom  duties  there  as  with  us;  all  im 
ports  pay  five  per  centum. 

The  voyagers  brought  back  very  few  precious 
stones,  and  these  of  no  great  value,  because  they 
had  no  gold  and  silver  to  buy  them  with,  and 
they  say  they  are  very  costly.  I  am  inclined  to 
think  that  pearls  would  be  a  good  article  to  buy 
there,  but  all  which  the  Portuguese  saw,  were  in 
the  hands  of  the  Moorish  merchants,  who  wished 
to  sell  them  at  a  fourfold  price,  as  is  their  common 
custom.  They  have  only  brought  a  few  sapphires 
and  brilliants,  and  a  peculiar  kind  of  rubies,  and 
a  considerable  number  of  garnets.  They  say  that 
the  commander  has  brought  some  very  costly 
stones.  He  took  his  silver  with  him,  and  bartered 
it  all  for  precious  stones. 

Spices  are  brought  to  this  Christian  town  by 
ships,  which  afterwards  cross  the  great  gulf,  over 
which  the  Portuguese  came,  and  pass  into  the 
strait  before  mentioned.  Then  they  sail  through 
the  Red  Sea.  From  thence  the  journey  is  per 
formed  by  land  to  the  temple  at  Mecca,  which  is 
thirty-six  days'  journey.  Still  further  on,  they 
286 


AMEEICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

journey  on  the  way  to  Cairo,  crossing  Mount 
Sinai  on  foot,  and  again  still  further  across  the 
desert,  where,  as  they  say,  the  high  winds  raise 
mountains  of  sand  into  the  air,  and  bury  travellers 
who  journey  there.  Some  of  their  ships  sail  to  the 
towns  on  the  gulf,  and  others  to  the  river  before 
mentioned,  where  the  negroes  live,  who  have  been 
subjected  by  the  Moors  of  the  interior.  The  Por 
tuguese  found  in  store,  in  this  Christian  town, 
butts  of  malmsey  wine  from  Candia,  which,  as 
well  as  their  wares,  must,  in  my  opinion,  have 
been  brought  from  Cairo. 

It  is  about  eighty  years  since  there  arrived  at 
this  town  of  Calicut  some  vessels  navigated  by 
white  Christians,  with  long  hair  like  the  Germans. 
They  wore  long  mustachios  on  the  upper  lip,  but 
with  that  exception,  were  shaved  after  the  com 
mon  fashion,  like  the  courtiers  at  Constantinople. 
The  men  were  provided  with  cuirasses,  and  wore 
caps  and  ruffs.  They  carried  weapons  similar  to 
spears.  On  board  of  their  ships  they  used  short 
arms  like  our  own.  Ever  since  their  first  arrival  a 
fleet  of  twenty  to  twenty-five  ships  has  come  every 
two  years  to  Calicut.  The  Portuguese  do  not 
know  what  nation  these  people  belong  to,  nor 
what  other  merchandise  they  bring,  besides  fine 
linen,  iron,  and  brass.  They  load  their  ships  with 
spices,  and  all  the  vessels  have  four  masts,  like 
the  Spanish  ships.  If  they  had  been  Germans,  we 
should  have  had  some  account  of  it.  It  is  possi 
ble  that  they  may  be  Russians.  If  they  have  a 
port  upon  the  sea,  we  shall  find  it  out  from  the 
pilot  whom  the  Moorish  king  gave  to  the  Portu 
guese,  and  who  speaks  Italian.  He  is  at  present 
in  the  commander's  caravel— for  they  have  taken 
him  against  his  will. 

In  this  town  of  Calicut  there  is  an  abundance 
287 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

of  wheat,  which  the  Moors  bring  there  in  their 
ships.  Three  small  measures  of  bread  is  sufficient 
to  satisfy  one  of  the  inhabitants  for  a  day,  but 
they  make  no  leavened  bread,  and  only  bake  a 
kind  of  cake  under  the  hot  ashes,  and  have  it  fresh 
every  day.  As  a  substitute  they  make  much  use 
of  rice,  of  which  there  is  a  great  abundance.  They 
have  cows  and  cattle,  but  they  are  all  small. 
They  use  milk  and  butter.  There  is  an  abundance 
of  oranges,  but  they  are  all  sweet;  lemons,  also, 
large  and  small  citrons,  very  fine  melons,  dates, 
and  many  other  delicious  fruits. 

The  king  of  this  town  makes  use  of  neither 
flesh  nor  fish  for  food,  and  touches  nothing  which 
lias  been  killed.  The  same  custom  is  followed  by 
all  his  court,  and  generally  by  the  wealthiest  and 
most  important  persons  of  the  kingdom.  Their 
reason  for  this  is,  that  Jesus  Christ  has  ordered 
in  his  laws,  that  he  who  kills  shall  be  killed,  and 
therefore  they  eat  of  nothing  that  dies.  The  com 
mon  people  eat  both  flesh  and  fish,  but  very  spar 
ingly.  They  never  kill  an  ox,  but  entertain  a 
high  respect  for  the  animal,  because  they  say  it 
is  an  animal  which  brings  a  blessing  with  it,  and 
whenever  they  meet  one  on  the  street  they  caress 
it  and  pat  it  with  their  hands.  The  king  lives 
upon  rice,  milk,  butter,  wheaten  bread,  and  many 
other  vegetable  articles,  and  the  courtiers  and 
other  persons  of  quality  follow  his  example.  He 
drinks  palm  wine  out  of  a  silver  tankard,  but 
never  puts  the  rim  to  his  lips,  for  he  opens  his 
mouth  and  pours  it  down  from  the  spout  of  the 
tankard  in  a  stream. 

The  species  of  fish  which  they  saw  were  similar 

to  our  own.    The  Christians  use  very  little,  but 

the  Moors  considerable  quantities.    They  ride  upon 

elephants,   of  which  great  numbers  exist  in  the 

288 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

country,  and  are  very  tame.  When  the  king  goes 
to  war  any  where,  the  largest  part  of  his  force 
follows  him  on  foot,  but  a  part  ride  upon  ele 
phants.  When  he  moves  from  one  place  to  another, 
he  is  carried  upon  men's  shoulders,  and  this 
duty  is  performed  by  his  principal  servants.  All 
the  people  are  clothed  from  the  middle  of  the 
body  to  the  feet,  mostly  with  cloth  made  of  cot 
ton,  which  is  found  there  in  great  abundance,  but 
the  upper  part  of  the  body  is  left  naked,  as  well 
by  the  nobility  as  by  the  common  people.  The 
first,  however,  dress  themselves  in  silk  stuffs,  and 
garments  of  various  colours,  each  according  to  his 
particular  rank.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the 
females,  except  that  the  women  of  quality  wear 
over  their  heads  white  and  delicate  veils.  Many 
of  the  lower  classes  go  entirely  uncovered.  The 
Moors  dress  in  their  own  fashion,  with  undercoats 
and  long  robes. 

The  distance  from  the  port  of  Lisbon  to  this 
city  is  thirty-eight  hundred  common  miles,  so 
that  allowing  four  and  a  half  Italian  miles  to  one 
common,  it  makes  seventeen  thousand  one  hun 
dred  Italian  miles.  It  is  easy  to  calculate  from 
this  how  long  a  voyage  there  will  necessarily  be. 
It  cannot  be  less  than  fifteen  or  sixteen  months. 

Their  navigators  all  sail  with  the  north  wind, 
and  make  use  of  certain  wooden  quadrants.  They 
always  go  to  the  right  when  they  sail  across  the 
gulf.  The  pilot  before  mentioned  says,  that  there 
are  more  than  a  thousand  islands  in  this  gulf,  and 
that  the  navigation  between  them  leads  to  almost 
certain  shipwreck,  as  they  are  very  low.  They 
must  be  the  same  islands  which  the  King  of  Cas 
tile  has  just  begun  to  discover.  In  this  city  they 
have  some  information  concerning  Prester  John, 
but  not  much.  In  the  interior  there  must  be  some 
19  289 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

intelligence  to  be  gained  respecting  him.  They 
know  that  Jesus  Christ  was  born  of  a  virgin  with 
out  sin,  that  he  was  crucified  and  killed  by  the 
Jews,  and  afterwards  buried  at  Jerusalem.  They 
have  heard  also  of  the  Pope,  and  know  that  he 
lives  at  Rome,  but  have  no  further  knowledge  of 
our  faith.  They  have  letters  and  a  written  lan 
guage. 

They  have  an  abundance  of  elephants,  which 
are  extremely  useful  to  them,  and  cotton,  sugar, 
and  sweetmeats.  In  my  opinion,  all  the  riches  of 
the  world  are  now  discovered,  and  nothing  more 
remains  to  be  found  out.  It  is  thought  that  wine 
would  be  a  good  article  to  barter  for  Indian 
wares,  for  these  Christians  drink  it  very  willingly. 
They  have  also  enquired  about  oil. 

In  this  town  justice  is  very  well  administered. 
Whoever  steals,  murders,  or  commits  any  other 
crime,  is  impaled  after  the  Turkish  fashion,  and 
whoever  undertakes  to  cheat  the  laws,  loses  all 
his  goods. 

There  is  found  also  in  the  town  of  Calicut,  civet, 
nutmegs,  ambergris,  storax.  and  benzoin.  The  isl 
ands  where  these  grow  are  called  Zelotri.  and  are 
one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  distant  from  the 
town  of  Calicut.  In  one  of  these  islands  no  other 
trees  grow  but  cinnamon  trees,  and  a  few  pepper 
trees,  but  not  of  the  best  kind.  The  pepper  comes 
mainly  from  another  island.  When  the  trees  which 
produce  pepper  and  cinnamon  are  planted  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Calicut,  the  fruit  is  not  so  good. 
Cloves  are  brought  there  from  distant  countries. 
Rhubarb  is  plenty,  and  all  other  common  spices. 
Ginger  grows  best  on  Terra  Firma.  The  countries 
of  the  Gulf  are  entirely  inhabited  by  Moors,  but  I 
have  lately  learned  more  particulars  of  the  truth, 
and  find  that  it  is  only  on  the  seashore  of  one 
290 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

side  that  they  dwell,  the  whole  of  the  other  side 
being  inhabited  by  Christian  Indians  who  are 
white  as  we  are.  The  country  is  extremely  fruitful 
in  wheat  and  other  descriptions  of  grain.  Fresh 
fruit  and  all  kinds  of  provisions  are  shipped  to 
Calicut,  for  the  region  where  this  town  lies  is 
sandy  and  unfit  for  grain. 

Two  winds  prevail  in  this  region ;  the  west  wind 
in  winter,  and  the  east  wind  in  summer.  They 
have  very  skilful  painters  there,  who  paint  figures 
and  pictures  of  every  kind.  This  town  of  Calicut 
has  no  walls,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  all  the 
other  towns.  Still  there  are  many  very  beautiful 
Moorish  houses  and  regular  streets.  In  the  island 
mentioned  before,  where  the  best  cinnamon  grows, 
civet  and  many  sapphires  are  found. 


291 


"  : 


~* i  ••  in  r     ^u^^mr  in^iai  •  a  -faa. 

-      -       -     _-    ---:    ---- 

*9  jr  •-»*  -**-«SftBK   ^  -attHsrssa^-iiaac -^m- 


mr* 

Iw  sear  tt  j*» 
*»-   ' 
r  ^ 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

sail  before  you  come  to  those  places  most  fruitful 
in  spices,  jewels,  and  precious  stones. 

Do  not  wonder  if  I  term  that  country  where  the 
spice  grows,  West,  that  product  being  generally  as 
cribed  to  the  East,  because  those  who  sail  west 
ward  will  always  find  those  countries  in  the  west, 
and  those  who  travel  by  land  eastward  will  al 
ways  find  those  countries  in  the  east.  The  straight 
lines  that  lie  lengthways  in  the  chart,  show  the 
distance  there  is  from  west  to  east;  the  others 
which  cross  them,  show  the  distance  from  north 
to  south.  I  have  also  marked  down  in  the  chart 
several  places  in  India,  where  ships  might  put  in, 
upon  any  storm  or  contrary  winds,  or  other  un 
foreseen  accident. 

Moreover,  to  give  you  full  information  of  all 
those  places  which  you  are  very  desirous  to  know 
about,  you  must  understand  that  none  but  trad 
ers  live  and  reside  in  all  those  islands,  and  that 
there  is  there  as  great  a  number  of  ships  and  sea 
faring  people  with  merchandise  as  in  any  other 
part  of  the  world,  particularly  in  a  most  noble 
port  called  Zaitun,  where  there  are  every  year  an 
hundred  large  ships  of  pepper  loaded  and  un 
loaded,  besides  many  other  ships  that  take  in 
other  spices.  This  country  is  mighty  populous, 
and  there  are  many  provinces  and  kingdoms  and 
innumerable  cities  under  the  dominion  of  a  prince 
called  the  Great  Khan,  which  name  signifies  king 
of  kings,  who  for  the  most  part  resides  in  the 
province  of  Cathay.  His  predecessors  were  very 
desirous  to  have  commerce  and  be  in  amity  with 
Christians;  and  two  hundred  years  since,  sent 
ambassadors  to  the  Pope,  desiring  him  to  send 
them  many  learned  men  and  doctors,  to  teach 
them  our  faith ;  but  by  reason  of  some  obstacles 
the  ambassadors  met  with,  they  returned  back 
294 


AMERICDS  VESPUCIUS. 

without  coming  to  Rome.  Besides,  there  came  an 
ambassador  to  Pope  Eugenius  IV.,  who  told  him 
the  great  friendship  there  was  between  those 
princes  and  their  people,  and  the  Christians.  I 
discoursed  with  him  a  long  while  upon  the  several 
matters  of  the  grandeur  of  their  royal  structure, 
and  of  the  greatness,  length,  and  breadth  of 
their  rivers,  and  he  told  me  many  wonderful 
things  of  the  multitude  of  towns  and  cities 
founded  along  the  banks  of  the  rivers,  and  that 
there  were  two  hundred  cities  upon  one  only  river, 
with  marble  bridges  over  it  of  a  great  length  and 
breadth,  and  adorned  with  abundance  of  pillars. 

This  country  deserves  as  well  as  any  other  to  be 
discovered;  and  there  may  not  only  be  great 
profit  made  there,  and  many  things  of  value  found, 
but  also  gold,  silver,  many  sorts  of  precious 
stones,  and  spices  in  abundance,  which  are  not 
brought  into  our  parts.  And  it  is  certain  that 
many  wise  men,  philosophers,  astrologers,  and 
other  persons  skilled  in  all  arts,  and  very  inge 
nious,  govern  that  mighty  province,  and  com 
mand  their  armies. 

From  Lisbon  directly  westward,  there  are  in  the 
chart  twenty-six  spaces,  each  of  which  contains 
two  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  to  the  most  noble 
and  vast  city  of  Quinsai,  which  is  one  hundred 
miles  in  compass,  that  is,  thirty-five  leagues. 
In  it  there  are  ten  marble  bridges;  the  name 
signifies  a  heavenly  city,  of  which  wonderful 
things  are  reported,  as  to  the  ingenuity  of  the 
people,  the  buildings  and  revenues.  This  space 
above  mentioned  is  almost  the  third  part  of  the 
globe.  The  city  is  in  the  province  of  Mangi,  bor 
dering  on  that  of  Cathay,  where  the  King  for  the 
most  part  resides.  From  the  island  of  Antilla. 
which  you  call  the  Island  of  the  Seven  Cities,  and 
295 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

whereof  you  have  some  knowledge,  to  the  most 
noble  island  of  Cipango,  are  ten  spaces,  which  make 
two  thousand  five  hundred  miles,  or  two  hundred 
and  twenty-five  leagues,  which  island  abounds  in 
gold,  pearls,  and  precious  stones :  and  you  must 
understand,  they  cover  their  temples  and  palaces 
with  plates  of  pure  gold;  so  that,  for  want  of 
knowing  the  way,  all  these  things  are  concealed 
and  hidden,  and  yet  may  be  gone  to  with  safety. 

Much  more  might  be  said,  but  having  told  you 
what  is  most  material,  and  you  being  wise  and 
judicious,  I  am  satisfied  there  is  nothing  of  it  but 
what  you  understand,  and  therefore  I  will  not  be 
more  prolix.  Thus  much  may  serve  to  satisfy 
your  curiosity,  it  being  as  much  as  the  shortness 
of  time  and  my  business  would  permit  me  to  say. 
So  I  remain  most  ready  to  satisfy  and  serve  his 
highness,  to  the  utmost,  in  all  the  commands  he 
shall  lay  upon  me. 

Florence,  June  25,  1474. 

A  short  time  after  this  letter  was  despatched, 
Toscanelli  wrote  a  second  letter  to  Columbus,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  translation : 

To  Christopher  Columbus,  Paul,   the  Physician, 
wishes  health. 

I  received  your  letters  with  the  things  you  sent 
me,  which  I  take  as  a  great  favour,  and  commend 
your  noble  and  ardent  desire  of  sailing  from  east 
to  west,  as  it  is  marked  out  in  the  chart  I  sent 
you,  which  would  demonstrate  itself  better  in  the 
form  of  a  globe.  I  am  glad  it  is  well  understood, 
and  that  the  voyage  laid  down  is  not  only  possi 
ble,  but  true,  certain,  honourable,  very  advan 
tageous,  and  most  glorious  among  all  Christians. 
296 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

You  cannot  be  perfect  in  the  knowledge  of  it, 
but  by  experience  and  practice,  as  I  have  had  in 
great  measure,  and  by  the  solid  and  true  informa 
tion  of  worthy  and  wise  men,  who  are  come  from 
those  parts  to  this  court  of  Rome,  and  from  mer 
chants  who  have  traded  long  in  those  parts,  and 
are  persons  of  good  reputation.  So  that  when 
the  said  voyage  is  performed,  it  will  be  to  power 
ful  kingdoms,  and  to  most  noble  cities  and  prov 
inces,  rich,  and  abounding  in  all  things  we  stand 
in  need  of,  particularly  in  all  sorts  of  spice  in  great 
quantities,  and  store  of  jewels.  This  will  moreover 
be  grateful  to  those  kings  and  princes  who  are 
very  desirous  to  converse  and  trade  with  Chris 
tians  of  these  our  countries,  whether  it  be  for 
some  of  them  to  become  Christians,  or  else  to 
have  communication  with  the  wise  and  ingenious 
men  in  these  parts,  as  well  in  point  of  religion  as 
in  all  sciences,  because  of  the  extraordinary  ac 
count  they  have  of  the  kingdoms  and  government 
of  these  parts. 

For  which  reasons,  and  many  more  that  might 
be  alleged,  I  do  not  at  all  wonder  that  you  who 
have  a  great  heart,  and  all  the  Portuguese  nation, 
which  has  ever  had  notable  men  in  all  undertak 
ings,  be  eagerly  bent  upon  performing  this  voyage. 


297 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


IV. 

MARCO  POLO  AND  His  TRAVELS. 

Toscanelli  was  led  to  a  consideration  of  the 
subject  of  a  western  passage  to  India  mainly  by 
the  accounts  of  Marco  Polo.  The  influence  which 
this  traveller  exercised  over  the  minds  of  the  early 
discoverers,  renders  some  notice  of  him  and  his 
works  necessary.  The  history  of  his  life  is  singu 
lar  and  interesting,  and  is  abridged  from  Kerr's 
Collection  of  Voyages  and  Murray's  Translation 
of  the  Travels  of  Marco  Polo,  whence  also  are 
taken  the  extracts  which  are  given  from  his  writ 
ings. 

Marco  Polo  was  born  at  Venice  about  the  year 
1260.  His  father,  Niccolo  Polo,  and  his  uncle 
Maffei,  were  of  a  noble  Venetian  family,  who  were 
extensively  engaged  in  commerce.  They  left  Ven 
ice,  in  the  prosecution  of  their  business,  just  before 
the  birth  of  Marco,  whom  his  father  never  saw 
till  his  return  to  Venice  in  1269,  at  which  time  he 
was  about  nine  years  old.  They  went  first  to 
Constantinople,  and  from  there  into  Armenia. 
They  remained  a  year  at  the  camp  of  Bereke,  the 
khan  or  ruler  of  the  western  portion  of  the  vast 
empire  of  the  Mongals,  and  then  pursued  their 
journey  into  Bochara,  where  they  staid  three 
years.  Another  year  more  was  occupied  by  them 
in  travelling  to  the  court  of  Kublai  Khan,  the 
powerful  emperor  of  the  Mongals  or  Tartars.  At 
the  court  of  this  potentate  they  remained  about  a 
year,  and  then  consumed  three  years  in  their  re 
turn  to  Europe. 

298 


AMEKICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Soon  after  their  return,  they  again  started  for 
the  East,  taking  with  them  the  young  Marco.  It 
was  probably  in  the  year  1270  that  they  departed 
on  their  second  journey,  for  upon  the  election  of 
Gregory  IX.  to  the  pontifical  chair,  he  despatched 
an  express  after  them,  which  overtook  them  in 
Armenia,  where  they  were  detained  some  time,  in 
order  that  they  might  receive  the  final  instructions 
of  the  Pope. 

The  cause  of  this  delay  was,  that  by  the  death 
of  Clement  IV.,  the  Papal  See  had  been  left  va 
cant  for  two  years.  Niccolo  and  Maffei  Polo  learnt 
the  news  of  this  fact  at  Acre,  while  on  their  re 
turn  from  their  first  journey.  They  saw  there  the 
papal  legate,  Tibaldo  Visconti,  of  Placentia,  who 
was  greatly  interested  in  their  descriptions  of 
their  travels,  and  advised  them  to  wait  for  the 
election  of  a  new  pontiff  before  setting  out  again 
for  the  East.  Finding,  after  their  return  to  Ven 
ice,  that  the  election  did  not  take  place  so  soon  as 
they  anticipated,  they  became  very  anxious  lest 
the  Great  Khan  should  become  impatient  at  the 
postponement  of  the  conversion  of  himself  and  his 
nation,  and  accordingly  started  before  the  cardi 
nals  had  been  able  to  effect  the  choice  of  a  new 
successor  of  St.  Peter.  Once  more  passing  through 
Acre,  they  were  kindly  entertained  by  the  Legate, 
who  furnished  them  with  letters  to  the  Khan,  ex 
culpatory  of  their  conduct  in  not  returning  sooner, 
and  with  letters  from  the  Pope.  He  also  procured 
them  a  sufficient  supply  of  oil  from  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  which  had  been  expressly  desired  by  the 
Khan,  through  belief  in  its  miraculous  powers. 
Hardly,  however,  had  they  departed  from  Acre, 
in  the  prosecution  of  their  journey,  when  letters 
came  to  the  Legate,  informing  him  that  he  himself 
had  been  chosen  Pope.  He  took  the  name  of 
299 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Gregory,  and  immediately  issued  a  bull  providing, 
that  in  future,  on  the  demise  of  a  pontiff,  the 
cardinals  should  be  confined  together  until  they 
had  selected  his  successor. 

Before  proceeding  to  Italy  to  take  possession  of 
the  papal  chair,  he  despatched  those  messengers 
who  caused  the  delay  of  the  travellers.  In  a  short 
time,  new  letters  were  prepared  by  him  to  deliver 
to  the  Khan,  containing  complimentary  expres 
sions  and  a  long  defence  or  exposition  of  Christian 
doctrine.  These  were  brought  to  the  Polos,  by 
two  priests,  Nicolo  of  Vicenza  and  Guelmo  of 
Tripoli,  both  men  of  distinguished  learning  and 
discretion,  who  were  intended  to  accompany  the 
travellers  in  their  journey.  They  were  furnished 
also  with  splendid  presents  of  great  value  for  the 
eastern  monarch,  and  were  endowed  with  ample 
powers  and  privileges,  and  authority  to  ordain 
priests  and  bishops,  and  to  grant  absolution  in 
all  cases,  as  fully  as  if  the  Pope  were  personally 
present.  These  two  friars,  however,  proved  them 
selves  to  be  wanting  in  the  hour  of  danger.  Learn 
ing  that  the  Sultan  of  Cairo  had  led  a  large  army 
to  invade  Armenia,  where  he  was  committing  the 
most  cruel  ravages,  they  were  fearful  of  their  own 
safety,  and  delivering  the  letters  and  presents  of 
the  Pope  to  the  Polos,  and  preferring  to  avoid 
the  fatigues  of  the  route  and  the  perils  of  war, 
returned  to  Acre. 

The  three  Venetians,  however,  pursued  their 
journey  boldly,  in  spite  of  many  difficulties  and 
dangers,  and  at  length,  after  a  journey  of  three 
years  and  a  half,  arrived  at  the  great  city  of 
Clemenisu  or  Chambalu,  which  means  the  city  of 
the  Khan,  and  is  the  modern  Pekin.  In  the  long 
journey  they  were  often  compelled  to  make  great 
delays,  on  account  of  the  deep  snow  and  extreme 
300 


AMEEICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

cold,  and  in  consequence  of  the  floods  and  inun 
dations.  When  the  Khan  heard  of  their  approach 
he  sent  messengers  forty  days'  journey  to  meet 
them,  that  they  might  be  conducted  with  all  hon 
our,  and  be  provided  with  every  accommodation 
during  the  remainder  of  their  journey.  On  their 
arrival  at  court  they  were  introduced  into  his 
presence,  and  prostrated  themselves  before  him, 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  country,  but  they 
were  commanded  to  rise,  and  were  most  graciously 
received.  The  Khan  demanded  an  account  of 
their  proceedings  on  the  way,  and  of  what  they 
had  effected  with  the  Pope.  They  related  all  this 
distinctly,  and  then  delivered  the  Pope's  letters 
and  presents,  which  the  Khan  received  with  great 
pleasure,  and  commended  them  for  their  fidelity. 
The  holy  oil  which  they  had  brought,  at  the  re 
quest  of  the  Khan,  from  the  sepulchre  of  the  Sa 
viour  at  Jerusalem  was  reverently  received,  and 
preserved  with  scrupulous  care. 

The  Khan  very  naturally  inquired  who  Marco 
was;  on  which  Niccolo  replied,  "He  is  your  Ma 
jesty's  servant,  and  my  son."  Thereupon  the 
Khan  received  him  kindly,  and  had  him  taught  to 
write  among  his  honourable  courtiers.  He  was 
much  esteemed  by  the  court,  and  in  a  very  short 
time  learned  to  read  and  write  four  different  lan 
guages,  and  made  himself  familiar  with  the  cus 
toms  of  the  Tartars. 

Some  years  after,  in  order  to  try  his  capacity, 
the  Khan  sent  Marco  upon  an  embassy  to  a  great 
city  called  Carachan  or  Carazan,  at  a  distance  of 
almost  six  months'  journey.  He  executed  this  ser 
vice  with  great  judgment  and  discretion,  and  very 
much  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  imperial  patron, 
and  well  knowing  that  the  Khan  would  be  pleased 
with  an  account  of  the  manners  and  customs  of 
301 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

the  inhabitants  of  the  countries  through  which  he 
passed,  he  made  a  minute  of  every  thing  that  ap 
peared  worthy  of  note,  and  repeated  it  to  him  on 
his  return.  In  this  way  he  rose  to  such  high 
favour,  that  he  was  continually  sent  by  the  Khan 
on  business  of  importance  to  all  the  different  parts 
of  his  dominions,  which  was  the  means  of  his  ac 
quiring  so  much  information  respecting  the  affairs 
and  places  of  the  East. 

After  remaining  many  years  at  the  court  of  the 
Khan,  and  acquiring  immense  wealth  in  jewels  of 
great  value,  they  began  to  consider  the  possi 
bility  of  returning  home.  This  they  thought 
would  be  impossible  if  the  Khan,  who  had  then 
become  quite  aged,  should  die,  and  they  became,  of 
course,  exceedingly  anxious  to  obtain  permission 
to  return  to  Venice.  One  day,  therefore,  finding 
the  Khan  in  an  excellent  humour,  Niccolo  Polo 
asked  permission  to  return  to  his  own  country 
with  his  family.  He  was  greatly  displeased  at  the 
request,  and  could  not  conceive  what  inducement 
they  had  to  undertake  so  long  and  dangerous  a 
journey;  adding,  that  if  they  were  in  want  of 
riches,  he  would  gratify  their  utmost  wishes,  by 
bestowing  upon  them  twice  as  much  as  they  al 
ready  possessed,  but  from  pure  affection  he  re 
fused  to  part  with  them. 

Not  long  after  this,  it  happened  that  a  King  of 
the  Indies,  named  Argon,  sent  three  of  his  coun 
sellors  as  ambassadors  to  Kublai  Khan,  on  the 
following  account.  Bolgana,  the  wife  of  Argon, 
had  lately  died,  and  on  her  death-bed  had  re 
quested  her  husband  to  choose  a  wife  from  among 
her  relations  in  Cathay.  Kublai  yielded  to  the 
request  of  the  ambassadors,  and  chose  a  fair 
young  maiden,  seventeen  years  of  age,  named 
Cogalin,  who  was  of  the  family  of  the  late  queen, 
302 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

and  determined  to  send  her  to  Argon.  The  am 
bassadors  departed  with  their  fair  charge,  and 
journeyed  for  eight  months  on  their  return,  by 
the  same  road  over  which  they  came.  Then  they 
found  that  bloody  wars  were  raging  between  some 
of  the  Tartar  princes,  and  were  compelled  to  come 
back  again  and  acquaint  the  Khan  with  the  im 
possibility  of  their  proceeding  on  that  road.  Mean 
time,  Marco,  who  had  been  absent  at  sea,  returned 
with  certain  ships  belonging  to  the  Khan,  and  re 
ported  the  peculiarities  of  the  places  he  had  vis 
ited  and  the  facility  of  intercourse  by  sea  between 
Cathay  and  the  Indies.  This  came  to  the  knowl 
edge  of  the  ambassadors,  who  conversed  on  the 
subject  with  the  Venetians.  It  was  agreed  be 
tween  them  that  the  ambassadors  and  the  young 
Queen  should  ask  permission  of  the  Khan  to  re 
turn  by  sea,  and  should  request  to  have  the  three 
Europeans  who  were  skilful  in  nautical  affairs,  to 
accompany  and  conduct  them  to  the  dominions  of 
Argon. 

Though  dissatisfied  at  this  proposal,  the  Khan 
at  last  gave  a  reluctant  consent,  and  calling  the 
Polos  into  his  presence,  after  many  demonstra 
tions  of  affection  and  favour,  he  made  them  prom 
ise  to  return  to  him,  when  they  had  spent  a  little 
time  among  their  relations  in  Christendom.  He 
caused  a  tablet  of  gold  to  be  given  to  them,  on 
which  his  orders  were  engraved,  directing  his  sub 
jects  throughout  his  dominions  to  furnish  them 
with  every  convenience  on  their  passage,  to  de 
fray  all  their  expenses,  and  to  provide  them  with 
guides  and  escorts  wherever  necessary.  He  also 
authorized  them  to  act  as  his  ambassadors  to  the 
Pope,  and  to  the  kings  of  France  and  Spain,  and 
other  Christian  princes. 

The  Khan  ordered  fourteen  ships  to  be  prepared 
303 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

for  the  voyage,  each  having  four  masts  and  carry 
ing  nine  sails.  Four  or  five  of  these  were  so  large 
as  to  have  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  mariners 
in  each,  but  the  rest  were  smaller.  In  this  fleet 
the  Queen  and  ambassadors  embarked,  accom 
panied  by  the  three  Venetian  travellers.  The 
Khan,  on  taking  leave  of  them,  presented  each 
with  many  rubies  and  precious  stones,  and  money 
enough  to  defray  all  their  expenses  for  two  years. 
Setting  sail  from  Cathay,  or  China,  they  arrived 
in  three  months  at  Java,  and  sailing  from  there, 
in  eighteen  months  at  the  dominions  of  Argon. 
Six  hundred  mariners  and  one  woman  died  during 
the  voyage,  and  only  one  of  the  ambassadors 
reached  home  alive.  On  their  arrival  at  the  do 
minions  of  Argon,  they  found  that  he  was  dead, 
and  that  a  person  named  Chiacato  was  governing 
the  kingdom,  during  the  minority  of  the  son  of 
the  late  monarch.  On  informing  the  regent  of 
their  business,  he  desired  them  to  carry  the  young 
queen  to  Casan,  which  was  the  name  of  the  prince, 
who  was  then  on  the  frontiers  of  Persia,  with  an 
army  of  sixty  thousand  men,  guarding  certain 
passes  on  the  borders  of  the  kingdom  against  the 
attacks  of  their  enemies.  Having  executed  this 
order,  Niccolo,  Maffei  and  Marco  returned  to  the 
palace  of  Chiacato,  and  remained  there  nine 
months. 

At  the  end  of  this  time  they  bade  farewell  to 
Chiacato,  who  gave  them  four  tablets  of  gold, 
each  a  cubit  long,  and  five  fingers  broad,  and 
weighing  three  or  four  marks.  On  them  were  en 
graved  the  following  words:  "In  the  power  of 
the  eternal  God,  the  name  of  the  Great  Khan 
shall  be  honoured  and  praised  for  many  years, 
and  whosoever  disobeyeth,  shall  be  put  to  death, 
and  all  his  goods  confiscated.  Besides  this  pre- 
304 


AMEEICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

amble,  they  commanded  that  all  due  honour 
should  be  shown  to  the  three  ambassadors  of  the 
Khan,  and  whatever  service  they  needed  should  be 
performed  in  every  country  and  district,  subject 
to  his  authority  as  to  himself  in  person ;  that  all 
necessary  relays  of  horses  and  escorts,  and  their 
expenses,  and  every  thing  needful,  should  be  sup 
plied  to  them  freely  and  gratuitously.  All  these 
orders  were  duly  obeyed,  so  that  at  times  they 
travelled  with  an  escort  of  two  hundred  horse  for 
their  protection.  During  their  journey,  they  were 
informed  that  the  great  Emperor  of  the  Tartars. 
Kublai  Khan,  was  dead.  They  considered  that 
this  absolved  them  of  all  obligation  to  perform 
the  promise  which  they  had  made  to  him  to  return 
to  his  court.  So  they  continued  their  journey  to 
Trebizond,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Black  Sea, 
from  which  city  they  proceeded  by  way  of  Con 
stantinople  and  Negropont  to  Venice,  where  they 
arrived  safely,  and  with  immense  wealth,  in  the 
year  1295. 

On  their  arrival  at  their  own  house  in  the  street 
of  St.  Chrysostom,  in  Venice,  they  found  themselves 
entirely  forgotten  by  all  their  old  acquaintances 
and  countrymen.  Even  their  relations  were  unable 
to  recognize  them  in  consequence  of  their  long 
absence.  They  had  been  away  twenty-five  years, 
and  besides  being  much  altered  by  age,  they  had 
almost  forgotten  their  own  language,  and  re 
sembled  Tartars  in  their  dress  and  manners.  They 
were  finally  compelled  to  make  use  of  some  ex 
traordinary  expedients  to  satisfy  their  family  and 
countrymen  of  their  identity,  and  to  recover  the 
respect  which  was  their  due,  by  a  public  acknowl 
edgment  of  their  name,  family,  and  rank.  For 
this  purpose,  according  to  Ramusio,  they  invited 
all  their  relations  and  connections  to  a  rnagnifi- 
20  305 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

cent  entertainment,  at  which  all  three  of  them  ap 
peared  clothed  in  rich  habits  of  crimson-coloured 
Eastern  satin.  After  their  guests  arrived  they 
threw  off  these  splendid  garments,  and  before 
sitting  down  to  the  table,  gave  them  to  their  at 
tendants,  still  appearing  magnificently  robed  in 
crimson  damask.  When  the  last  course  came  on 
the  table,  they  cast  off  these  robes,  as  they  had 
done  the  first,  and  bestowed  them  in  the  same 
manner  upon  the  servants;  they  themselves  still 
appearing  gorgeously  bedecked  with  crimson  vel 
vet. 

When  the  dinner  was  over  and  all  the  servants 
had  withdrawn,  Marco  Polo  produced  to  the  com 
pany  the  coats  of  Tartarian  cloth  or  felt  which 
they  had  ordinarily  worn  during  their  travels, 
and  ripping  them  open,  took  out  an  incredible 
quantity  of  valuable  gems;  among  these  were 
some  that  were  recognized  by  those  who  were 
present  at  the  entertainment,  as  having  belonged 
to  the  family,  and  thus  the  three  travellers  proved 
themselves  incontestibly  to  be  members  of  the 
Polo  family,  and  the  identical  persons  they  repre 
sented  themselves  to  be.  Very  probably  their 
relations  were  more  ready  to  acknowledge  them, 
when  they  saw  their  magnificence  and  wealth, 
than  when  they  appeared  before  them  in  the  rough 
attire  of  weatherbeaten  travellers. 

Such  is  the  account  of  these  celebrated  travels 
handed  down  to  the  present  day.  Their  intrinsic 
merit,  and  the  importance  which  they  had  in  the 
eyes  of  the  early  discoverers  of  America,  has  led 
to  this  somewhat  extended  notice  of  them.  Of 
these  adventurous  men,  some  further  information 
yet  remains.  About  three  years  after  their  return, 
hostilities  were  commenced  between  the  republics 
of  Venice  and  Genoa.  The  Genoese  Admiral, 
306 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Lampa  Doria,  came  to  the  island  of  Curzola,  with 
a  fleet  of  seventy  galleys  to  oppose  whom,  the 
Venetians  fitted  out  a  large  naval  force,  under  the 
command  of  Andrea  Dandolo,  under  whom  Marco 
Polo  held  the  command  of  a  galley.  The  Vene 
tians  were  totally  defeated  in  a  general  engage 
ment,  with  the  loss  of  their  Admiral  and  eighty- 
five  ships,  and  Marco  Polo  was  unfortunate 
enough  to  be  taken  prisoner  by  the  Genoese. 

He  was  confined  in  prison  at  Genoa  about  a 
year,  until  the  termination  of  the  war  between  the 
rival  states  released  him.  While  there,  many  of 
the  young  Genoese  nobility  are  said  to  have  re 
sorted  to  his  cell  to  listen  to  the  recital  of  his 
wonderful  travels  and  surprising  adventures ;  and 
it  is  said  that  they  prevailed  upon  him  to  send  to 
Venice  for  the  notes  which  he  had  drawn  up  dur 
ing  his  peregrinations,  by  means  of  which  his 
travels  were  written  out  in  Latin,  according  to 
his  dictation.  From  the  original  Latin  they  were 
translated  into  Italian,  and  from  this  again 
abridgments  were  afterwards  made  in  Latin,  and 
scattered  over  Europe.  Some  authors  are,  how 
ever  of  the  opinion  that  they  were  originally 
written  in  Italian,  and  it  is  said  that  a  manu 
script  copy  of  the  work  in  the  writing  of  his 
scribe  Rustigielo  was  long  preserved,  in  the  pos 
session  of  the  Soranza  family,  at  Venice.  Whether 
it  now  exists,  or  has  ever  been  published,  is  un 
known. 

At  the  time  of  the  captivity  of  Marco,  his  father 
and  uncle  were  greatly  alarmed  for  his  safety,  and 
fearing  that  in  case  of  his  death  they  should  have 
no  descendants  to  whom  they  would  care  to  be 
queath  their  vast  wealth,  it  was  agreed  between 
them  that  Niccolo,  his  father,  should  marry  again, 
which  he  did  speedily.  On  his  return  from  hia 
307 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

confinement,  therefore,  Marco  found  his  father  with 
three  children,  the  fruit  of  his  second  marriage. 
Maffei  Polo,  the  uncle  of  Marco,  became  a  magis 
trate  of  Venice,  and  lived  for  some  time  in  much 
respect  among  his  countrymen.  Marco  seems  to 
have  taken  no  offence  at  his  father's  second  union, 
but  married  himself,  after  his  return  from  Genoa 
to  Venice.  He  left  two  daughters,  Moretta  and 
•Feantina.  but  had  no  male  issue.  He  is  said  to 
have  received  among  his  countrymen  the  name  of 
Marco  Millioni,  because  he  and  his  family  had 
acquired  a  fortune  of  a  million  of  ducats  in  the 
East.  He  died  as  he  had  lived,  universally  be 
loved  and  respected;  for,  with  all  his  advan 
tages  of  birth  and  fortune,  he  was  humble  and 
beneficent,  and  employed  his  great  riches,  and  the 
interest  he  possessed  in  the  state,  only  to  do 
good. 

The  best  method  of  conveying  to  the  mind  of 
the  reader  a  conception  of  the  enthusiasm  which 
his  travels  excited  in  Europe,  is  to  make  one  or 
two  extracts  from  the  work  itself.  The  splendid 
descriptions  of  the  immense  wealth  of  the  coun 
tries  he  visited,  inflamed  the  minds  of  adventurers 
of  all  countries,  and  the  prospect  of  converting  to 
the  Christian  faith  so  powerful  a  potentate  as  he 
represented  the  Grand  Khan  to  be  was  so  replete 
with  advantages  to  the  eyes  of  all  the  religious 
enthusiasts  of  the  age,  that  many  priests  vol 
unteered  to  go  as  missionaries  to  his  distant  do 
minions.  For  a  time  these  schemes  were  the  fav 
ourite  popular  theme,  but  they  languished  at  last 
from  the  difficulty  of  accomplishing  them,  and 
were  not  again  revived,  until,  after  the  lapse  of 
two  centuries,  they  again  attracted  general  at 
tention,  in  connection  with  the  speculations  afloat 
concerning  a  new  route  to  India.  Mr.  Irving  says 
308 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

that  these  accounts  offered  ''too  speculative  and 
romantic  an  enterprise  not  to  catch  the  vivid 
imagination  of  Columbus.  In  all  his  voyages  he 
will  be  found  to  be  continually  seeking  after  the 
territories  of  the  Grand  Khan ;  and  even  after  his 
last  expedition,  when  nearly  worn  out  by  age, 
hardships,  and  infirmities,  he  offered,  in  a  letter  to 
the  Spanish  monarchs,  written  from  a  bed  of 
sickness,  to  conduct  any  missionary  to  the  terri 
tories  of  the  Tartar  Emperor  who  would  under 
take  his  conversion."  "It  was  this  confident  ex 
pectation  of  soon  arriving  at  these  countries,  and 
realizing  the  accounts  of  the  Venetian,  that  in 
duced  him  to  hold  forth  those  promises  of  im 
mediate  wealth  to  the  sovereigns  which  caused  so 
much  disappointment,  and  brought  upon  him  the 
frequent  reproach  of  exciting  false  hopes,  and 
indulging  in  wilful  exaggeration."*  Ainericus,  as 
has  been  seen,  entertained  the  same  ideas,  but 
with  more  moderation,  and  anticipated  more 
difficulty  in  carrying  them  out.  The  selections 
from  the  writings  of  Polo  which  will  be  presented 
to  the  reader  are  his  descriptions  of  the  magnifi 
cent  city  of  Quinsai,  and  of  the  much-eought-for 
island  of  Cipango. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  MARCO  POLO'S  DESCRIPTION 
OF  QUINSAI. 

At  the  end  of  three  days'  journey  we  came  to 
Quinsai  or  Guinsai,  its  name  signifying  the  city  of 
heaven,  to  denote  its  excellence  over  all  the  other 
cities  of  the  earth,  in  which  there  are  so  much 
riches  and  so  many  pleasures  and  enjoyments, 
that  a  person  might  conceive  himself  in  Paradise. 

*  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  904-906. 
309 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

In  this  great  city.  I,  Marco,  have  often  been,  and 
have  considered  it  with  diligent  attention,  ob 
serving  its  whole  state  and  circumstances,  and 
setting  down  the  same  in  my  memorials,  of  which 
I  shall  here  give  a  brief  abstract. 

By  common  report,  this  city  is  an  hundred  miles 
in  circuit.*  The  streets  and  lanes  are  very  long 
and  wide,  and  it  has  many  large  market-places. 
On  one  side  of  the  city  there  is  a  clear  lake  of  fresh 
water,  and  on  the  other  there  is  a  great  river 
which  enters  the  city  in  many  places,  and  carries 
away  all  the  filth  into  the  lake,  whence  it  con 
tinues  its  course  into  the  ocean.  This  abundant 
course  of  running  water  causes  a  healthful  circula 
tion  of  pure  air,  and  gives  commodious  passage 
in  many  directions,  both  by  land  and  water, 
through  the  numerous  canals,  as  by  means  of 
these  and  the  causeways  by  which  they  are  bor 
dered,  carts  and  barks  have  free  intercourse  for 
the  carriage  of  merchandise  and  provisions.  It 
is  said  that  there  are  twelve  thousand  bridges, 
great  and  small,  in  this  city,  and  those  over  the 
principal  canals  are  so  high  that  a  vessel  with 
out  her  masts  may  go  through  underneath,  while 
chariots  and  horses  pass  above.  On  the  other 
side  of  the  city  there  is  a  large  canal,  forty  miles 
long,  which  encloses  it  on  that  side,  being  deep 
and  full  of  water,  made  by  the  ancient  kings, 
both  to  receive  the  overflowings  of  the  river  and 
to  fortify  the  city,  and  the  earth  which  was  dug 
out  of  this  canal  is  laid  on  the  inside  as  a  ram 
part  of  defence.  There  are  ten  great  market 
places,  which  are  square,  and  half  a  mile  in  each 
side.  The  principal  street  is  forty  paces  broad, 

*  These  miles  are  the  Chinese  measures  called  Li,  of  which 
300  compose  a  degree  of  latitude.    Calculating  thus,  the  city 
would  be  34  miles  in  circumference.    The  word  is  used  by  Marco 
in  the  same  sense  throughout  the  extracts. 
310 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

having  a  canal  in  the  middle  with  many  bridges, 
and  every  four  miles  there  is  a  market-place  two 
miles  in  circuit.  There  is  also  one  large  canal  be 
hind  the  great  street  and  the  market-places,  on 
the  opposite  bank  of  which  there  are  many  store 
houses  of  stone,  where  the  merchants  from  India 
and  other  places  lay  up  their  commodities,  being 
at  hand  and  commodious  for  the  markets.  In 
each  of  these  markets  the  people  from  the  coun 
try,  to  the  number  of  forty  or  fifty  thousand, 
meet  three  days  in  every  week,  bringing  beasts, 
game,  fowls,  and  in  short  every  thing  that  can  be 
desired  for  subsistence,  in  profusion ;  and  so  cheap 
that  two  geese  or  four  ducks  may  be  bought  for  a 
Venetian  groat.  Then  follow  the  butcher  markets, 
in  which  beef,  mutton,  veal,  kid  and  lamb  are  sold 
to  the  great  and  rich,  as  the  poor  eat  of  all  kinds 
of  offal  and  unclean  beasts  without  scruple;  all 
sorts  of  herbs  and  fruits  are  to  be  had  contin 
ually,  among  which  are  huge  pears,  weighing  ten 
pounds  each,  white  within,  and  very  fragrant,  with 
yellow  and  white  peaches  of  very  delicate  flavour. 
Grapes  do  not  grow  in  this  country,  but  are 
brought  from  other  places.  They  likewise  import 
very  good  wine ;  but  that  is  not  in  so  much  es 
teem  as  with  us,  the  people  being  content  with 
their  own  beverage,  prepared  from  rice  and  spices. 
Every  day  there  are  brought  up  from  the  ocean, 
which  is  at  the  distance  of  twenty-five  miles,  such 
vast  quantities  of  fish,  besides  those  which  are 
caught  in  the  lake,  that  one  would  conceive  they 
could  never  be  consumed,  yet,  in  a  few  hours,  all 
is  gone.  All  these  market-places  are  encompassed 
by  high  houses,  underneath  which  are  shops  for  all 
kinds  of  artificers,  and  all  kinds  of  merchandise, 
such  as  spices,  pearls  and  jewels,  and  in  some  the 
rice  wine  is  sold.  Many  streets  cross  each  other 
311 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

leading  into  these  markets ;  in  some  of  which  there 
are  many  cold  baths,  accommodated  with  at 
tendants  of  both  sexes,  who  are  used  to  this  em 
ployment  from  their  infancy.  In  the  same  bag 
nios,  there  are  chambers  for  hot  baths,  for  such 
strangers  as  are  not  accustomed  to  bathe  in  cold 
water.  The  inhabitants  bathe  every  day,  and 
always  wash  before  eating. 

In  other  streets  reside  the  physicians  and  the  as 
trologers,  who  also  teach  reading  and  writing, 
with  many  other  arts.  On  opposite  sides  of  the 
squares  are  two  large  edifices,  where  officers 
appointed  by  his  majesty  promptly  decide  any 
differences  that  arise  between  the  foreign  mer 
chants  and  the  inhabitants.  They  are  bound  also 
to  take  care  that  the  guards  be  duly  stationed  on 
the  neighbouring  bridges,  and  in  case  of  neglect, 
to  inflict  a  discretionary  punishment  on  the  de 
linquent. 

On  each  side  of  the  principal  street,  mentioned 
as  reaching  across  the  whole  city,  are  large  houses 
and  mansions  with  gardens ;  near  to  which  are  the 
abodes  and  shops  of  the  working  artisans.  At  all 
hours  you  observe  such  multitudes  of  people  pass 
ing  backwards  and  forwards  on  their  various 
avocations,  that  it  might  seem  impossible  to  sup 
ply  them  with  food.  A  different  judgment  will, 
however,  be  formed,  when  every  market-day  the 
squares  are  seen  crowded  with  people,  and  covered 
with  provisions  brought  in  for  sale  by  carts  and 
boats.  To  give  some  idea  of  the  quantity  of  meat, 
wine,  spices,  and  other  articles  brought  for  the 
consumption  of  the  people  of  Quinsai,  I  shall  in 
stance  the  single  article  pepper.  I,  Marco  Polo, 
was  informed  by  an  officer  employed  in  the  cus 
toms,  that  the  daily  amount  was  forty-three 
loads,  each  weighing  243  pounds. 
312 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

The  houses  of  the  citizens  are  well  built,  and 
richly  adorned  with  carving,  in  which  as  well  as 
in  painting  and  ornamental  buildings,  they  take 
great  delight,  and  lavish  enormous  sums.  Their 
natural  disposition  is  pacific,  and  the  example  of 
their  former  unwarlike  kings  has  accustomed  them 
to  live  in  tranquillity.  They  keep  no  arms  in  their 
houses,  and  are  unacquainted  with  their  use. 
Their  mercantile  transactions  are  conducted  in  a 
manner  perfectly  upright  and  honourable.  They 
also  behave  in  a  friendly  manner  to  each  other , 
so  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  same  neighbour 
hood  appear  like  one  family.  In  their  domestic 
relations,  they  show  no  jealousy  or  suspicion  of 
their  wives,  but  treat  them  with  great  respect. 
Any  one  would  be  held  as  infamous  that  should 
address  indecent  expressions  to  married  women. 
They  behave  with  cordiality  to  strangers  who 
visit  the  city  for  commercial  purposes,  hospitably 
entertain  them,  and  afford  their  best  assistance  in 
their  business.  On  the  other  hand,  they  hate  the 
very  sight  of  soldiers,  even  the  guards  of  the 
Great  Khan;  recollecting,  that  by  their  means 
they  have  been  deprived  of  the  government  of 
their  native  sovereigns. 

On  the  lake  above  mentioned  are  a  number  of 
pleasure-barges,  capable  of  holding  from  ten  to 
twenty  persons,  being  from  fifteen  to  twenty  paces 
long,  with  a  broad  level  floor,  and  moving  stead 
ily  through  the  water.  Those  who  delight  in  this 
amusement,  and  propose  to  enjoy  it,  either  with 
their  ladies  or  companions,  engage  one  of  these 
barges,  which  they  find  always  in  the  very  best 
order,  with  seats,  tables,  and  every  thing  neces 
sary  for  an  entertainment.  The  boatmen  sit  on  a 
flat  upper  deck,  and  with  long  poles  reaching  to 
the  bottom  of  the  lake,  not  more  than  two  fath- 
313 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

oms  deep,  push  along  the  vessels  to  any  de 
sired  spot.  These  cabins  are  painted  in  various 
colours,  and  with  many  figures;  the  exterior  is 
similarly  adorned.  On  each  side  are  windows, 
which  can  at  pleasure  be  kept  open  or  shut,  when 
the  company  seated  at  table  may  delight  their 
eyes  with  the  varied  beauty  of  the  passing  scenes. 
Indeed  the  gratification  derived  from  these  water- 
excursions  exceeds  any  that  can  be  enjoyed  on 
land ;  for  as  the  lake  extends  all  along  the  city, 
you  discover,  while  standing  in  the  boat,  at  a 
certain  distance  from  the  shore,  all  its  grandeur 
and  beauty,  palaces,  temples,  convents,  and  gar 
dens,  while  lofty  trees  reach  down  to  the  water's 
edge.  At  the  same  time  are  seen  other  boats  con 
tinually  passing,  similarly  filled  with  parties  of 
pleasure.  Generally,  indeed,  the  inhabitants,  when 
they  have  finished  the  labours  of  the  day,  or 
closed  their  mercantile  transactions,  think  only  of 
seeking  amusement  with  their  wives  or  mistresses, 
either  in  these  barges  or  driving  about  the  city 
in  carriages.  The  main  street  already  mentioned 
is  paved  with  stone  and  brick  to  the  width  of 
ten  paces  on  each  side,  the  interval  being  filled  up 
with  small  gravel,  and  having  arched  drains  to 
carry  off  the  water  into  the  canals,  so  that  it  is 
always  kept  dry.  On  this  road  the  carriages  are 
constantly  driving.  They  are  long,  covered  at  top, 
have  curtains  and  cushions  of  silk,  and  can  hold 
six  persons.  Citizens  of  both  sexes,  desirous  of 
this  amusement,  hire  them  for  that  purpose,  and 
you  see  them  at  every  hour  moving  about  in  vast 
numbers.  In  many  cases  the  people  visit  gardens, 
where  they  are  introduced  by  the  managers  of  the 
place  into  shady  arbours,  and  remain  till  the 
time  of  returning  home. 

The  palace  already  mentioned  had  a  wall  with 
314 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

a  passage  dividing  the  exterior  court  from  an  in 
ner  one,  which  formed  a  kind  of  cloister,  support 
ing  a  portico  that  surrounded  it,  and  led  to  vari 
ous  royal  apartments.  Hence  you  entered  a 
covered  passage  or  corridor,  six  paces  wide,  and 
so  long  as  to  reach  to  the  margin  of  the  lake. 
On  each  side  were  corresponding  entrances  to  ten 
courts,  also  resembling  cloisters  with  porticos,  and 
each  having  fifty  private  rooms,  with  gardens 
attached.— the  residence  of  a  thousand  young  fe 
males,  whom  the  king  maintained  in  his  service. 
In  the  company  either  of  his  queen  or  of  a  party 
of  those  ladies  he  used  to  seek  amusement  on  the 
lake,  visiting  the  idol-temples  on  its  banks.  The 
other  two  portions  of  this  seraglio  were  laid  out 
in  groves,  pieces  of  water,  beautiful  orchards, 
and  enclosures  for  animals  suited  for  the  chase, 
as  antelopes,  deer,  stags,  hares,  and  rabbits.  Here 
too,  the  king  amused  himself  —his  damsels  accom 
panying  him  in  carriages  or  on  horseback.  No 
man  was  allowed  to  be  of  the  party,  but  the 
females  were  skilled  in  the  art  of  coursing  and 
pursuing  the  animals.  When  fatigued  they  retired 
into  the  groves  on  the  margin  of  the  lake,  and, 
quitting  their  dresses,  rushed  into  the  water,  when 
they  swam  sportively  in  different  directions,— the 
king  remaining  a  spectator  of  the  exhibition. 
Sometimes  he  had  his  repast  provided  beneath  the 
dense  foliage  of  one  of  these  groves,  and  was  there 
waited  upon  by  the  damsels.  Thus  he  spent  his 
time  in  this  enervating  society,  profoundly  igno 
rant  of  martial  affairs ;  hence  the  Grand  Khan,  as 
already  mentioned,  was  enabled  to  deprive  him  of 
his  splendid  possessions,  and  drive  him  with  igno 
miny  from  his  throne.  All  these  particulars  were 
related  to  me  by  a  rich  merchant  of  Quinsai,  who 
was  then  very  old ;  and  having  been  a  confiden- 
315 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

tial  servant  of  King  Facfur,  was  acquainted  with 
every  circumstance  of  his  life.  He  knew  the  pal 
ace  in  its  former  splendour,  and  desired  me  to 
come  and  take  a  view  of  it.  Being  then  the  resi 
dence  of  the  Khan's  viceroy,  the  colonnades  were 
preserved  entire,  but  the  chambers  had  been  al 
lowed  to  go  to  ruin,— only  their  foundations  re 
maining  visible.  The  walls,  too,  including  the 
parks  and  gardens,  had  been  left  to  decay,  and  no 
longer  contained  any  trees  and  animals. 

I  will  now  tell  you  of  the  large  revenue  which 
the  Khan  draws  from  this  city,  and  the  territory 
under  its  jurisdiction,  which  is  the  ninth  part  of 
the  province  of  Manji.  The  salt  of  that  country 
yields  to  him  in  the  year  eighty  tomans  of  gold, 
and  each  tonaan  is  70,000  saiks,  which  amount 
to  5,600,000.  and  each  saik  is  worth  more  than 
a  gold  florin;  and  is  not  this  most  great  and 
wonderful  1  In  that  country,  too,  there  grows 
more  sugar  than  in  the  whole  world  besides,  and 
it  yields  a  very  large  revenue;  I  will  not  state  it 
particularly,  but  remark  that,  taking  all  spices  to 
gether,  they  pay  3%  per  cent.,  which  is  levied  too 
on  all  other  merchandise.  Large  taxes  are  also 
derived  from  wine,  rice,  coal,  and  from  the  twelve 
arts,  which,  as  already  mentioned,  have  each 
twelve  thousand  stations.  On  every  thing  a  duty 
is  imposed :  and  on  silk  especially,  and  on  other 
articles,  is  paid  ten  per  cent.  But  I,  Marco  Polo, 
tell  you,  because  I  have  often  heard  the  account 
of  it,  that  the  revenue  on  all  these  commodities 
amounts  every  year  to  210  tomans,  or  14,700,000 
saiks,  and  that  is  the  most  enormous  amount  of 
money  that  ever  was  heard  of,  and  yet  is  paid 
by  only  the  ninth  part  of  the  province  of  Manji. 
Now  let  us  depart  from  this  city  of  Quinsai.  and 
go  to  another  called  Tam-pin-gui. 
316 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


THE  ISLAND  OP  CIPANGO. 

This  is  a  very  large  island,  fifteen  hundred 
miles  from  the  continent.  The  people  are  fair, 
handsome,  and  of  agreeable  manners.  They  are 
idolaters,  and  live  quite  separate,  entirely  inde 
pendent  of  all  other  nations.  Gold  is  very  abun 
dant,  and  no  man  being  allowed  to  export  it, 
while  no  merchant  goes  thence  to  the  mainland, 
the  people  accumulate  a  vast  amount.  But  I 
will  give  you  a  wonderful  account  of  a  very  large 
palace  all  covered  with  that  metal,  as  our  churches 
are  with  lead.  The  pavement  of  the  chamber,  the 
halls,  windows,  and  every  other  part,  have  it 
laid  on  two  inches  thick,  so  that  the  riches  of  this 
palace  are  incalculable.  Here  are  also  red  pearls, 
large,  and  of  equal  value  with  the  white,  with 
many  other  precious  stones.  Kublai,  on  hearing 
of  this  amazing  wealth,  desired  to  conquer  the 
island,  and  sent  two  of  his  barons  with  a  very 
large  fleet  containing  warriors,  both  horsemen 
and  on  foot.  One  was  named  Abatan,  the  other 
Vonsanicin,  both  wise  and  valiant.  They  sailed 
from  Zai-tun  and  Quinsai,  reached  the  isle,  landed, 
and  took  possession  of  the  plain  and  of  a  number 
of  houses ;  but  they  had  been  unable  to  take  any 
city  or  castle,  when  a  sad  misadventure  occurred. 
A  mutual  jealousy  arose  amongst  them,  which 
prevented  their  acting  in  any  concert.  One  day 
when  the  north  wind  blew  very  strong,  the  troops 
expressed  to  each  other  apprehensions,  that  if 
they  remained,  all  the  vessels  would  be  wrecked. 
The  whole  then  went  on  board  and  set  sail.  When 
they  had  proceeded  about  four  miles,  they  found 
another  small  isle,  on  which,  the  storm  being 
violent,  a  number  sought  refuge.  Others  could 
317 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

not  reach  it,  many  of  whom  suffered  shipwreck 
and  perished ;  but  some  were  preserved,  and  sailed 
for  their  native  country.  Those  who  had  landed. 
30,000  in  number,  looked  on  themselves  as  dead 
men,  seeing  no  means  of  ever  escaping ;  and  their 
anger  and  grief  were  increased,  when  they  beheld 
the  other  ships  making  their  way  homeward. 

The  sovereign  and  people  of  the  large  isle  re 
joiced  greatly  when  they  saw  the  host  thus  scat 
tered  and  many  of  them  cast  upon  the  islet.  As 
soon  as  the  sea  calmed,  they  assembled  a  great 
number  of  ships,  sailed  thither  and  landed,  hoping 
to  capture  all  those  refugees.  But  when  the  latter 
saw  that  their  enemies  had  disembarked,  leaving 
the  vessels  unguarded,  they  skilfully  retreated  to 
another  quarter,  and  continued  moving  about  till 
they  reached  the  ships,  and  went  on  board  with 
out  any  opposition.  They  then  sailed  direct  for 
the  principal  island,  hoisting  its  own  standards 
and  ensigns.  On  seeing  these,  the  people  believed 
their  own  countrymen  had  returned,  and  allowed 
them  to  enter  the  city.  The  Tartars,  finding  it 
defended  only  by  old  men,  soon  drove  them  out. 
retaining  the  women  as  slaves.  When  the  king 
and  his  warriors  saw  themselves  thus  deceived, 
and  their  city  captured,  they  were  like  to  die  of 
grief;  but  they  assembled  other  ships,  and  in  vested 
it  so  closely  as  to  prevent  all  communication. 
The  invaders  maintained  it  seven  months,  and 
planned  day  and  night  how  they  might  convey 
tidings  to  their  master  of  their  present  condition ; 
but  finding  this  impossible,  they  agreed  with  the 
besiegers  to  surrender,  securing  only  their  lives. 
This  took  place  in  the  year  1269.  The  Great 
Khan,  however,  ordered  one  of  the  commanders 
of  this  host  to  lose  his  head,  and  the  other  to  be 
sent  to  the  isle  where  he  had  caused  the  loss  of 
318 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

so  many  men,  and  there  put  to  death.  I  have  to 
relate  also  a  very  wonderful  thing,  that  these 
two  barons  took  a  number  of  persons  in  a  castle 
of  Cipango,  and  because  they  had  refused  to  sur 
render,  ordered  all  their  heads  to  be  cut  off;  but 
there  were  eight  on  whom  they  could  not  execute 
this  sentence,  because  these  wore  consecrated 
stones  in  the  arm  between  the  skin  and  the  flesh, 
which  so  enchanted  them,  that  they  could  not 
die  by  steel.  They  were  therefore  beaten  to  death 
with  clubs,  and  the  stones,  being  extracted,  were 
held  very  precious.  But  I  must  leave  this  matter 
and  go  on  with  the  narrative. 

Paper   Money— Immense    Wealth    of  the   Great 
Khan. 

With  regard  to  the  money  of  Kambalu,  the 
Great  Khan  may  be  called  a  perfect  alchymist.  for 
he  makes  it  himself.  He  orders  people  to  collect 
the  bark  of  a  certain  tree,  whose  leaves  are  eaten 
by  the  worms  that  spin  silk.  The  rind  between 
the  bark  and  the  interior  wood  is  taken,  and  from 
it  cards  are  formed  like  those  of  paper,  all  black. 
He  then  cause  them  to  be  cut  into  pieces,  and 
each  is  declared  worth  respectively  half  a  livre,  a 
whole  one,  a  silver  grosso  of  Venice,  and  so  on  to 
the  value  of  ten  bezants.  All  these  cards  are 
stamped  with  his  seal,  and  so  many  are  fabricated 
that  they  would  buy  all  the  treasures  in  the 
world.  He  makes  all  his  payments  in  them,  and 
circulates  them  through  the  kingdoms  and  prov 
inces  over  which  he  holds  dominion;  and  none 
dares  to  refuse  them  under  pain  of  death.  All  the 
nations  under  his  sway  receive  and  pay  this  money 
for  their  merchandise,  gold,  silver,  precious  stones 
and  whatever  they  transport,  buy.  or  sell.  The 
319 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

merchants  often  bring  to  him  goods  worth  400,- 
000  bezants,  and  he  pays  them  all  in  these  cards, 
which  they  willingly  accept,  because  they  can 
make  purchases  with  them  throughout  the  whole 
empire.  He  frequently  commands  those  who  have 
gold,  silver,  cloths  of  silk  and  gold,  or  other 
precious  commodities,  to  bring  them  to  him. 
Then  he  calls  twelve  men  skilful  in  these  matters, 
and  commands  them  to  look  at  the  articles,  and 
fix  their  price.  Whatever  they  name  is  paid  in 
these  cards,  which  the  merchant  cordially  receives. 
In  this  manner  the  great  sire  possesses  all  the 
gold,  silver,  pearls,  and  precious  stones  in  his 
dominions.  When  any  of  the  cards  are  torn  or 
spoiled,  the  owner  carries  them  to  the  place 
whence  they  were  issued,  and  receives  fresh  ones, 
with  a  deduction  of  3  per  cent.  If  a  man  wishes 
gold  or  silver  to  make  plate,  girdles,  or  other 
ornaments,  he  goes  to  the  office,  carrying  a  suffi 
cient  number  of  cards,  and  gives  them  in  payment 
for  the  quantity  which  he  requires.  This  is  the 
reason  why  the  Khan  has  more  treasure  than 
any  other  lord  in  the  world ;  nay,  all  the  princes 
in  the  world  together  have  not  an  equal  amount. 

The  Care  and  Bounty  of  the  Monarch  towards 
his  Subjects. 

He  sends  his  messengers  through  all  his  king 
doms  and  provinces,  to  know  if  any  of  his  sub 
jects  have  had  their  crops  injured  through  bad 
weather  or  any  other  disaster ;  and  if  such  injury 
has  happened,  he  does  not  exact  from  them  any 
tribute  for  that  season  or  year;  nay,  he  gives 
them  corn  out  of  his  own  stores  to  subsist  upon, 
and  to  sow  their  fields.  This  he  does  in  summer ; 
in  winter  he  inquires  if  there  has  been  a  mor- 
320 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

tality  among  the  cattle,  and  in  that  case  grants 
similar  exemption  and  aid.  When  there  is  a  great 
abundance  of  grain  he  causes  magazines  to  be 
formed,  to  contain  wheat,  rice,  millet,  or  barley, 
and  care  to  be  taken  that  it  be  not  lost  or  spoiled ; 
then  when  a  scarcity  occurs,  this  grain  is  drawn 
forth,  and  sold  for  a  third  or  fourth  of  the  current 
price.  Thus  there  cannot  be  any  severe  famine; 
for  he  does  it  through  all  his  dominions;  he  be 
stows  also  great  charity  on  many  poor  families  in 
Kambalu ;  and  when  he  hears  of  individuals  who 
have  not  food  to  eat,  he  causes  grain  to  be  given 
to  them.  Bread  is  not  refused  at  the  court  through 
out  the  whole  year  to  any  who  come  to  beg  for 
it ;  and  on  this  account  he  is  adored  as  a  god  by 
his  people.  His  majesty  provides  them  also  with 
raiment  out  of  his  tithes  of  wool,  silk,  and  hemp. 
These  materials  he  causes  to  be  woven  into  dif 
ferent  sorts  of  cloth,  in  a  house  erected  for  that 
purpose,  where  every  artisan  is  obliged  to  work 
one  day  in  the  week  for  his  service.  Garments 
made  of  the  stuffs  thus  manufactured  are  given 
to  destitute  families  for  their  winter  and  summer 
dresses.  A  dress  is  also  prepared  for  his  armies; 
and  in  every  city  a  quantity  of  woollen  cloth  is 
woven,  being  defrayed  from  the  tithes  there  levied. 
It  must  be  observed,  that  the  Tartars,  according 
to  their  original  customs,  when  they  had  not  yet 
adopted  the  religion  of  the  idolaters,  never  be 
stowed  alms ;  but  when  applied  to  by  any  necessi 
tous  person,  repelled  him  with  reproachful  ex 
pressions,  saying —begone  with  your  complaints 
of  a  bad  season,  God  has  sent  it  to  you,  and 
had  he  loved  you,  as  he  evidently  loves  me.  you 
would  have  similarly  prospered.  But  since  some 
of  the  wise  men  among  the  idolaters,  especially 
the  baksi,  have  represented  to  his  majesty,  that 
21  321 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

to  provide  food  for  the  poor  is  a  good  work  and 
highly  grateful  to  their  deities,  he  has  bestowed 
charity  in  the  manner  now  described,  so  that,  at 
his  court,  none  are  denied  food  who  come  to  ask 
for  it.  He  has  also  so  arranged  that  in  all  the 
highways  by  which  messengers,  merchants,  and 
other  persons  travel,  trees  are  planted  at  short 
distances  on  both  sides  of  the  road,  and  are  so  tall 
that  they  can  be  seen  from  a  great  distance.  They 
serve  thus  both  to  show  the  way  and  afford  a 
grateful  shade.  This  is  done  whenever  the  nature 
of  the  soil  admits  of  plantation;  but  when  the 
route  lies  through  sandy  deserts  or  over  rocky 
mountains,  he  has  ordered  stones  to  be  set  up 
or  columns  erected,  to  guide  the  traveller.  Of 
ficers  of  rank  are  appointed,  whose  duty  it  is 
to  take  care  that  these  matters  be  properly  ar 
ranged,  and  the  roads  kept  constantly  in  good 
order.  Besides  other  motives,  the  Great  Khan  is 
influenced  by  the  declaration  of  his  soothsayers 
and  astrologers,  that  those  who  plant  trees  re 
ceive  long  life  as  their  reward. 


322 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


V. 
FELLOW- VOYAGERS  OP  AMERICUS. 

ALONZO  DE  OJEDA  AND  JUAN  DE  LA  COS  A.* 

A  brief  notice  of  the  early  career  of  the  first  of 
these  navigators  has  been  given  previously  in  this 
volume.  His  subsequent  exploits  are  quite  inter- 
esting.  It  has  already  been  seen  from  the  account 
of  Americus,  who  was  his  fellow-voyager  in  1499, 
that  he  could  have  realized  but  a  very  trifling 
profit  from  his  share  hi  that  expedition.  In  fact, 
he  acquired  nothing  but  renown  as  a  bold  and 
skilful  follower  of  the  sea.  Many  were  the  tales 
which  were  circulated  of  his  prowess  and  intrep 
idity,  and  his  popularity  with  the  people,  ever 
moved  to  enthusiasm  by  daring  exploits,  seconded 
by  the  powerful  interest  of  his  patron,  the  Bishop 
Fonseca,  led  him  prosperously  onward  to  royal 
favour.  Soon  after  his  return,  he  received  a  grant 
of  six  leagues  of  land  in  Hispaniola,  and  permis 
sion,  to  fit  out  vessels  for  a  further  prosecution  of 
discoveries  on  the  coast  of  the  mainland.  He  was 
prohibited  from  interfering  with  the  traffic  on  the 
coast  of  Paria,  within  certain  limits,  but  was 
granted  a  right  to  trade  in  all  other  parts,  on 
condition  of  paying  one-fifth  of  the  profits  of  his 

*  This  illustration  of  the  lives  of  Ojeda  and  De  la  Cosa  is 
abridged  mainly  from  the  work  of  Mr.  Irving,  entitled  the  Lives 
of  tho  Companions  of  Columbus.  It  was  originally  intended  to 
have  translated  such  portions  of  the  "  Viages  Menores"  of  Na 
varre"  te  as  referred  to  the  subject,  but  the  full  accounts  of  Mr. 
Irving,  who,  as  he  says  in  his  Preface,  has  consulted  this  work, 
as  well  as  many  other  valuable  works  and  documents  of  refer 
ence,  presented  so  complete  an  array  of  material  that  it  was  de 
termined  to  abandon  the  original  intention  for  the  present  plan. 
323 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

voyage  to  the  king.  He  was  authorized  to  colon 
ize  Coquibacoa,  and  as  an  inducement  was  to 
receive  half  the  revenue  of  the  new  colony,  unless 
it  exceeded  300,000  maravedis,  in  which  case  the 
surplus  was  to  go  to  the  crown. 

With  such  brilliant  prospects  before  him,  Ojeda 
found  no  difficulty  in  finding  partners  and  assist 
ance  in  his  undertaking.  Juan  de  Vergara  and 
Garcia  de  Campos  joined  in  his  enterprise,  making 
a  partnership  agreement  for  the  term  of  two 
years.  They  fitted  out  four  ships,  the  Santa 
Maria  de  la  Antigua,  the  Santa  Maria  de  la 
Granada,  the  caravel  Magdalena,  and  the  caravel 
Santa  Ana.  His  partners  each  commanded  one 
of  the  first-named  vessels,  his  nephew,  Pedro,  the 
third,  and  Hernando  de  Guevara  the  fourth ;  the 
whole  fleet  being  controlled  by  Ojeda  himself. 

The  expedition  set  sail  in  1502.  and  after  pro 
curing  the  usual  supply  of  provisions  at  the  Cana 
ries,  crossed  the  ocean  in  safety,  and  touched  the 
shores  of  the  New  World  on  the  coast  of  Cumana. 
This  was  the  native  name  of  the  country,  but 
Ojeda  called  it  Val-fermoso,  on  account  of  its 
beauty  and  fertility.  While  supplying  the  im 
mediate  necessities  of  his  vessels  on  this  coast. 
Ojeda  adopted  an  expedient  savouring  more  of 
policy  than  justice.  Knowing  that  he  should  want 
many  utensils  and  articles  of  common  use  in  his 
new  colony,  he  determined  to  procure  them  from 
the  natives  of  Cumana,  rather  than  enrage  the 
Indians  in  the  neighbourhood  of  his  proposed 
settlement .  Their  pillage  was  successful,  but  was 
the  occasion  of  much  bloodshed.  Notwithstand 
ing  the  orders  of  Ojeda  to  his  men,  to  do  as  lit 
tle  damage  as  'possible,  the  poor  Indians  suffered 
severely,  their  cabins  were  burnt,  and  several  of 
their  women  carried  into  captivity,  or  only  re- 
324 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

turned  to  them  on  the  payment  of  a  ransom. 
To  the  honour  of  Ojeda,  it  is  said  that  he  took 
nothing  of  the  spoil  but  a  hammock. 

After  a  while  the  fleet  proceeded  to  Coquibacoa, 
but  finding  the  country  in  the  neighbourhood  ex 
tremely  sterile,  they  went  on  further  to  a  bay 
which  Ojeda  called  Santa  Cruz,  and  is  the  present 
Bahia  Honda,  where  it  was  determined  to  form  a 
settlement.  They  found  in  this  place  a  Spaniard, 
who  had  been  left  by  Bastides,  a  voyager  who  had 
visited  those  parts  about  a  year  previously.  He 
had  since  been  living  peaceably  with  the  Indians, 
and  had  acquired  their  language.  The  natives  at 
first  attempted  to  oppose  the  landing  of  Span 
iards,  but  were  soon  overawed  by  the  display  of 
force  which  Ojeda  made,  and  came  forward  to 
greet  them  with  presents.  The  adventurers  im 
mediately  commenced  building  their  fortress,  and 
storing  in  it  their  goods  and  provisions.  All  the 
gold  which  they  acquired  by  barter  or  plunder, 
was  deposited  in  a  safe  box,  under  two  keys,  one 
of  which  was  kept  by  the  royal  officer  who  accom 
panied  the  expedition,  and  the  other  by  Ocampo. 

All  the  gold,  however,  which  they  were  enabled 
to  collect  did  not  supply  them  with  provisions, 
which  grew  day  by  day  more  scarce,  notwith 
standing  the  energetic  efforts  of  the  foraging 
parties  continually  despatched  by  the  commander 
to  ransack  the  country.  The  people  murmured  at 
their  deprivations  and  sufferings,  and  above  all  a 
fear  arose  among  them  that  they  would  lose  their 
means  of  departure,  in  consequence  of  their  ships 
having  been  attacked  by  a  species  of  worm,  which 
bored  holes  in  the  planks,  and  caused  them  to 
leak  greatly.  As  is  ever  the  case,  discontent  pro 
duced  recrimination  and  quarrels,  and  the  factions 
of  the  petty  colony  rose  at  last  to  such  a  height 
325 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

that  his  partners  at  length  entrapped  Ojeda  on 
board  of  one  of  the  caravels,  seized  him,  and  put 
him  in  irons.  They  gave  out  that  he  had  gone 
farther  than  his  license  from  the  sovereigns  al 
lowed,  that  he  was  a  defaulter,  for  whom  they 
would  be  liable  as  sureties,  and  that  they  were 
determined  to  take  him  to  Spain  for  trial. 

Ojeda  made  one  or  two  attempts  to  compro 
mise  with  his  partners  without  success,  and  at 
last  they  sailed  in  the  beginning  of  September, 
carrying  away  with  them  the  whole  colony,  and 
the  strong  box,  which  was  the  main  cause  of  all 
their  disputes.  When  they  arrived  at  the  western 
coast  of  Hispaniola,  their  captive  governor  made 
a  desperate  attempt  to  escape  from  his  confine 
ment.  The  vessels  were  lying  at  anchor,  about  a 
stone's  throw  from  the  shore,  when,  relying  upon 
his  activity  and  skill  as  a  swimmer,  he  slipped 
quietly  over  the  side  into  the  water,  in  the  night 
time,  and  made  for  the  shore.  But  though  his 
arniB  were  left  free,  his  feet  were  chained,  and 
finding  that  the  weight  of  his  shackles  was  sink 
ing  him,  he  was  compelled  to  cry  for  help.  and. 
half  drowned,  was  again  put  into  confinement  on 
board. 

When  they  arrived  at  St.  Domingo,  a  long  law 
suit  took  place  before  the  Chief  Judge  of  the 
island,  who  found  Ojeda  guilty,  in  spite  of  his 
protestations  that  his  partners  were  the  persons 
in  fault.  The  decision  pronounced  him  a  defaulter, 
stripped  him  of  all  his  effects,  and  brought  him 
heavily  in  debt  to  the  government.  For  a  time  he 
was  looked  upon  as  a  ruined  man,  and  though, 
subsequently,  on  an  appeal  by  Ojeda  to  the  royal 
council,  the  case  was  reconsidered,  the  decision 
reversed,  and  an  order  issued  for  the  restoration 
of  his  property,  yet  the  expenses  of  the  lawsuit, 
326 


AMERICUS  V'ESPUCIDS. 

in  which  he  was  engaged  for  nearly  a  year,  con 
sumed  all  his  small  fortune,  and  left  him  a  bank 
rupt,  though  triumphant,  litigant. 

This  judicial  contest  was  decided  in  1503,  and 
for  some  years  after  that  period  no  record  appears 
concerning  the  movements  of  Ojeda,  excepting 
one,  which,  without  particularizing,  mentions  that 
he  made  another  voyage  to  the  vicinity  of  Coqui- 
bacoa  in  1505.  In  1508  he  is  found  again  in 
Hispaniola.  With  the  roving  and  restless  habits 
of  the  mariner,  he  seems  to  have  united  the  com 
mon  fault  of  sailors  of  all  countries,  a  reckless 
and  profuse  extravagance,  which  led  him  to  squan 
der  his  resources,  and  kept  him  always  in  a  state 
of  poverty,  although  it  did  not  weaken  his  love 
of  daring  enterprise. 

About  this  time  the  cupidity  of  King  Ferdinand 
was  attracted  by  the  gold  mines  of  the  coast  of 
Veragua,  and  projects  were  set  on  foot  to  estab 
lish  colonies  in  that  direction.  Indisposed  to  in 
crease  the  power  of  Columbus  and  his  family,  the 
wary  monarch  looked  about  for  some  one  to  ap 
point  to  the  command  of  these  colonies,  and 
among  others,  Ojeda  was  thought  of  for  the  post. 
Although  possessing,  in  the  Bishop  Fonseca,  a 
strong  friend  at  court,  he  was,  unfortunately,  too 
far  absent  and  too  poor  to  urge  his  claims,  and 
had  it  not  been  for  his  lucky  meeting  with  Juan 
de  la  Cosa,  he  would  probably  never  have  ob 
tained  the  appointment. 

Juan  de  la  Cosa  was  even  at  the  time  when  he 
accompanied  Americus  on  his  second  voyage,  in 
the  capacity  of  pilot,  a  veteran  in  maritime  affairs. 
He  had  previously  sailed  with  Columbus,  and,  as 
Navarrete says,  somewhat sneeringly,  "in  the  opin 
ion  of  others  as  well  as  of  himself/'  was  thought 
not  to  be  inferior  to  Columbus  in  his  knowledge 
327 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

of  navigation.*  Peter  Martyr  relates,  that  the 
Spaniards  esteemed  the  maps  which  were  drawn  by 
him,  and  by  another  pilot  named  Andres  Morales, 
as  the  best  in  the  world,  and  that  they  were 
"thought  to  be  more  cunning  in  that  part  of  cos 
mography  which  teacheth  the  description  and 
measuring  of  the  sea,  than  any  others."f  Soon 
after  his  return  from  the  New  World,  in  1500,  in 
the  month  of  October  in  that  year,  he  was  solic 
ited  by  Rodrigo  de  Bastides,  to  accompany  him, 
in  two  caravels  which  he  had  fitted  out,  to  search 
for  gold  and  pearls.  Bastides  was  a  notary,  and 
knew  nothing  of  navigation,  but  confided  the 
whole  management  of  the  navigation  to  Juan  de 
la  Cosa,  who  extended  his  fame  for  sound  discre 
tion  and  able  seamanship. 

This  voyage  was  extremely  successful,  and  they 
had  collected  an  immense  amount  of  gold  and 
pearls,  when  their  fortune  was  checked  by  an 
unlooked-for  event.  They  found  that  their  vessels 
were  eaten  through  in  many  places  by  the  de 
structive  worms  which  abound  in  the  Torrid  Zone, 
and  leaked  so  badly  that  they  could  scarcely  be 
kept  afloat  long  enough  to  enable  them  to  reach 
Hispaniola.  There  they  repaired  their  craft  and 
put  to  sea,  with  the  intention  of  returning  to 
Cadiz,  but  were  once  more  controlled  by  evil  for 
tune,  and  driven  back  again  by  a  succession  of 
storms.  The  leaks  broke  out  afresh,  and  after 
landing  the  most  portable  part  of  their  rich  cargo, 
the  vessels  foundered  before  they  could  get  out 
the  remainder.  Bastides  also  lost  the  arms  and 
ammunition  saved  from  the  wrecks,  being  com 
pelled  to  destroy  them,  lest  they  should  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  Indians. 

*  Navarr^te,  torn.  ill.  p.  4. 
t  P.  Martyr.  Decade  ii.  c.  10. 
328 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

The  crew  were  divided  into  three  parties,  two 
of  which  were  headed  by  Bastides  and  De  la  Cosa, 
and  started  for  St.  Domingo  by  three  different 
routes.  Bobadilla,  at  that  time  Governor  of  San 
Domingo,  heard  of  their  approach,  and  ordering 
them  to  be  arrested  on  the  charge  of  pursuing  an 
illicit  traffic  with  the  Indians,  sent  them  to  Spain. 
He  was  tried  there  and  acquitted,  and  so  lucrative 
had  the  voyage  proved,  that  he  was  enabled  to 
pay  a  handsome  sum  to  the  crown,  besides  reserv 
ing  a  large  fortune  for  himself.  In  reward  for  his 
services,  the  sovereigns  granted  him  an  annual 
revenue  for  life,  to  be  drawn  from  the  province  of 
Uraba,  which  he  had  discovered,  and  an  equal  pen 
sion  was  assigned  to  De  la  Cosa,  with  the  office 
of  Alguazil  Mayor  of  the  same  territory  to  which 
he  was  appointed. 

It  is  probable  that  the  veteran  pilot  remained  at 
home  for  some  time  after  his  return  from  his  voy 
age,  enjoying  his  well-earned  fortune,  for  it  has 
been  seen  that  he  was  ordered  to  attend  the  court 
in  company  with  Americus,  soon  after  the  return 
of  King  Ferdinand  from  his  journey  to  Naples. 
Soon  after  that  time  he  went  to  Hispaniola. 

The  history  of  the  veteran  was  from  this  time 
till  his  death  intimately  connected  with  that  of 
Ojeda.  He  had  managed  to  acquire  by  his  fortu 
nate  voyage  with  Bastides,  and  in  the  course  of 
his  other  ramblings,  considerable  property,  and 
having  a  high  opinion  of  the  talents  and  energy 
of  Ojeda,  with  all  the  openheartedness  of  a  sailor 
he  placed  all  his  means  at  the  disposal  of  his  less 
fortunate  friend.  It  was  concerted  between  them 
that  Cosa  should  proceed  to  Spain  to  promote 
his  appointment  by  suit  at  court,  and  though  op 
posed  by  a  powerful  rival,  Don  Diego  de  Nic- 
uessa,  he  was  successful,  at  least  in  part.  King 
329 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Ferdinand,  with  his  usual  shrewdness,  favoured 
both  the  candidates,  and  dividing  that  part  of  the 
continent  which  lies  along  the  Isthmus  of  Darien 
into  two  governments,  he  gave  the  eastern  portion 
extending  to  Cape  De  la  Vela  to  Ojeda,  and  the 
western,  including  Veragua,  and  extending  to 
Cape  Gracias  a  Dios,  to  Nicuessa.  Each  of  them 
was  bound  to  erect  two  forts  in  their  respective 
districts,  and  were  allowed  the  products  of  the 
mines  they  should  discover,  after  a  certain  de 
duction  for  the  crown. 

Juan  de  la  Cosa  received  the  appointment  of 
Lieutenant  under  Ojeda,  and  immediately  fitted 
out  a  fleet  of  a  ship  and  two  brigan tines,  in  which 
he  embarked  with  about  two  hundred  men.  The 
armament  of  Nicuessa  was  much  more  powerful, 
owing  to  his  greater  command  of  means.  These 
rival  expeditions  arrived  at  San  Domingo  at  the 
same  time.  Ojeda  welcomed  his  lieutenant  with 
joy,  and  though  somewhat  mortified  at  the  small- 
ness  of  his  force  compared  with  that  of  Nicuessa, 
he  soon  found  means,  in  the  purses  of  his  friends 
on  the  island,  to  recruit  and  increase  his  forces. 

During  their  stay,  a  feud  arose  between  the  rival 
Governors.  The  bone  of  contention  was  the  Isl 
and  of  Jamaica,  which  had  been  assigned  undi 
vided  to  both  of  them  as  a  place  to  procure  sup 
plies  for  their  respective  colonies.  Both  of  them 
claimed  also  the  province  of  Darien  as  within 
their  dominions.  Ojeda,  who  was  a  better  fighter 
than  reasoner,  proposed  to  settle  their  dispute  by 
a  personal  combat,  but  the  more  prudent  Nicuessa, 
smiling  at  the  heat  of  his  rival,  insisted  upon  a 
deposit  of  five  thousand  Castillanos  on  each  side, 
to  be  the  prize  of  the  conqueror,  which  he  knew 
the  purse  of  Ojeda  would  be  too  poor  to  furnish, 
though  his  pride  was  too  great  to  acknowledge  it. 
330 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Juan  de  la  Cosa,  however,  interposed  to  prevent 
any  violence.  The  influence  which  the  veteran  had 
over  the  impetuous  spirit  of  his  commander  is 
interesting.  He  seems  to  have  stood  by  him  as  a 
Mentor,  and  warmly  attached  to  one  whom  he 
knew  to  be  faithful  and  devoted,  and  of  courage 
beyond  question,  Ojeda  suffered  himself  to  be  con 
trolled  in  his  rash  impulses.  The  dispute  was 
settled  by  the  establishment  of  the  river  Darien 
as  the  boundary  of  the  two  governments,  a  most 
salutary  compromise,  owing  entirely  to  the  good 
judgment  of  the  veteran  pilot.  The  difference  re 
specting  Jamaica  was  settled  by  Don  Diego  Col 
umbus  himself,  who  took  possession  of  it  in  the 
right  of  his  father. 

On  the  10th  of  November,  1509,  Ojeda  set  sail 
from  St.  Domingo.  His  force  consisted  of  two 
ships,  two  brigantines.  and  three  hundred  men. 
among  whom  was  the  celebrated  Pizarro,  after 
wards  the  conqueror  of  Peru.  Cortez  likewise  in 
tended  to  have  sailed  in  the  fleet,  but  was  pre 
vented  by  sickness.  The  voyage  was  short,  for  the 
experienced  De  la  Cosa  knew  well  the  navigation. 
He  knew  too  the  warlike  and  treacherous  charac 
ter  of  the  natives,  and  endeavoured  to  persuade 
Ojeda  to  commence  a  settlement  in  the  Gulf  of 
Uraba,  where  the  people  were  less  ferocious,  and 
did  not  use  poisoned  arrows.  Ojeda,  however, 
would  not  alter  his  plans,  and  it  is  thought  he 
had  no  objection  to  the  prospect  of  a  skirmish 
with  the  natives,  for  in  that  way  he  hoped  to 
capture  slaves  enough  to  pay  off  his  debts  in 
Hispaniola.  He  landed,  therefore,  with  the  larg 
est  part  of  his  force,  and  with  a  number  of  friars, 
who  accompanied  him  as  missionaries  to  convert 
the  Indians,  and  his  faithful  lieutenant,  unable  to 
keep  him  out  of  danger,  stood  by  to  second  him. 
331 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

He  advanced  towards  the  savages,  who  were 
drawn  up  on  the  shore,  and  ordered  the  friars  to 
read  aloud  a  certain  manifesto,  which  had  recently 
been  prepared  by  divines  and  juristo  in  Spain,  to 
be  used  in  such  emergencies,  and  which  is  suffi 
ciently  curious  to  merit  being  copied  in  full.  It 
reads  as  follows : 

"I,  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  servant  of  the  high  and 
mighty  kings  of  Castile  and  Leon,  civilizers  of  bar 
barous  nations,  their  messenger  and  captain, 
notify  and  make  known  to  you,  in  the  best  way 
I  can,  that  God  our  Lord,  one  and  eternal, 
created  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  and  one  man 
and  one  woman,  from  whom  you,  and  we.  and  all 
people  of  the  earth  were  and  are  descendants,  pro 
created,  and  all  those  who  shall  come  after  us; 
but  the  vast  number  of  generations  which  have 
proceeded  from  them,  in  the  course  of  more  than 
five  thousand  years  that  have  elapsed  since  the 
creation  of  the  world,  made  it  necessary  that  some 
of  the  human  race  should  disperse  in  one  direction 
and  some  in  another,  and  that  they  should  divide 
themselves  into  many  kingdoms  and  provinces 
as  they  could  not  sustain  and  preserve  themselves 
in  one  alone.  All  these  people  were  given  in  charge, 
by  God  our  Lord,  to  one  person,  named  Saint 
Peter,  who  was  thus  made  lord  and  superior  of  all 
the  people  of  the  earth,  and  head  of  the  whole 
human  lineage,  whom  all  should  obey,  wherever 
they  might  live,  and  whatever  might  be  their  law, 
sect  or  belief;  he  gave  him  also  the  whole  world 
for  his  service  and  jurisdiction,  and  though  he  de 
sired  that  he  should  establish  his  chair  in  Rome, 
as  a  place  most  convenient  for  governing  the 
world,  yet  he  permitted  that  he  might  establish 
his  chair  in  any  other  part  of  the  world,  and 
judge  and  govern  all  the  nations,  Christians, 
332 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Moore,  Jews,  Gentiles,  and  whatever  other  sect  or 
belief  might  be.  This  person  was  denominated 
Pope,  that  is  to  say.  admirable,  supreme,  father 
and  guardian,  because  he  is  father  and  governor 
of  all  mankind.  This  holy  father  was  obeyed  and 
honoured  as  lord,  king,  and  superior  of  the  uni 
verse  by  those  who  lived  in  his  time,  and,  in  like 
manner,  have  been  obeyed  and  honoured  by  all 
those  who  have  been  elected  to  the  Pontificate, 
and  thus  it  has  continued  unto  the  present  day, 
and  will  continue  until  the  end  of  the  world. 

"  One  of  these  Pontiffs  of  whom  I  have  spoken, 
as  lord  of  the  world,  made  a  donation  of  these 
islands  and  continents,  of  the  ocean,  sea,  and  all 
that  they  contain,  to  the  Catholic  kings  of  Castile, 
who.  at  that  time,  were  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
of  glorious  memory,  and  to  their  successors,  our 
sovereigns,  according  to  the  tenor  of  certain 
papers  drawn  up  for  the  purpose  (which  you  may 
see  if  you  desire) .  Thus  his  majesty  is  king  and 
sovereign  of  these  islands  and  continents  by  virtue 
of  the  said  donation;  and  as  king  and  sovereign, 
certain  islands,  and  almost  all  to  whom  this  has 
been  notified,  have  received  his  majesty,  and  have 
obeyed  and  served,  and  do  actually  serve  him. 
And,  moreover,  like  good  subjects,  and  with  good 
will,  and  without  any  resistance  or  delay,  the 
moment  they  were  informed  of  the  foregoing,  they 
obeyed  all  the  religious  men  sent  among  them  to 
preach  and  teach  our  Holy  Faith;  and  these  of 
their  free  and  cheerful  will,  without  any  condition 
or  reward,  became  Christians,  and  continue  so  to 
be.  And  his  majesty  received  them  kindly  and 
benignantly,  and  ordered  that  they  should  be 
treated  like  his  other  subjects  and  vassals :  you. 
also,  are  required  and  obliged  to  do  the  same. 
Therefore,  in  the  best  manner  I  can,  I  pray  and 
333 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

entreat  you,  that  you  consider  well  what  I  have 
said,  and  that  you  take  whatever  time  is  reas 
onable  to  understand  and  deliberate  upon  it,  and 
that  you  recognize  the  church  for  sovereign  and 
superior  of  the  universal  world,  and  the  supreme 
Pontiff,  called  Pope,  in  her  name,  and  his  majesty 
in  his  place,  as  superior  and  sovereign  king  of  the 
islands  and  Terra  Firma,  by  virtue  of  the  said 
donation;  and  that  you  consent  that  these  re 
ligious  fathers  declare  and  preach  to  you  the  fore 
going;  and  if  you  shall  so  do,  you  will  do  well; 
and  will  do  that  to  which  you  are  bounden  and 
obliged ;  and  his  majesty,  and  I  in  his  name,  will 
receive  you  with  all  due  love  and  charity,  and 
will  leave  you,  your  wives  and  children,  free  from 
servitude,  that  you  may  freely  do  with  these  and 
with  yourselves  whatever  you  please,  and  think 
proper,  as  have  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  islands. 
And  besides  this,  his  majesty  will  give  you  many 
privileges  and  exemptions,  and  grant  you  many 
favours.  If  you  do  not  do  this,  or  wickedly  and 
intentionally  delay  to  do  so,  I  certify  to  you, 
that,  by  the  aid  of  God,  I  will  powerfully  invade 
and  make  war  upon  you  in  all  parts  and  modes 
that  I  can,  and  will  subdue  you  to  the  yoke  and 
obedience  of  the  church  and  of  his  majesty :  and 
I  will  take  your  wives  and  children  and  make 
slaves  of  them,  and  sell  them  as  such,  and  dispose 
of  them  as  his  majesty  may  command;  and  I 
will  take  your  effects  and  will  do  you  all  the  harm 
and  injury  in  my  power,  as  vassals  who  will  not 
obey  or  receive  their  sovereign,  and  who  resist 
and  oppose  him.  And  I  protest  that  the  deaths 
and  disasters  which  may  in  this  manner  be  occa 
sioned,  will  be  the  fault  of  yourselves  and  not  of 
his  majesty,  nor  of  me.  nor  of  these  cavaliers  who 
accompany  me.  And  of  what  I  here  tell  you  and 
334 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

require  of  you,  I  call  upon  the  notary  here  present 
to  give  me  his  signed  testimonial." 

When  the  friars  had  finished  reading  this  mani 
festo,  Ojeda  endeavoured  to  entice  the  Indians  by 
signs  of  friendship  and  presents,  which  he  exhib 
ited.  But  they  had  suffered  too  much  from  the 
cruelties  of  other  adventurers  to  be  won  by  kind 
measures,  and,  in  answer  to  his  advances,  bran 
dished  their  spears  and  prepared  to  fight. 

Juan  de  la  Cosa  again  renewed  his  entreaties  to 
Ojeda  to  abandon  the  country,  but  his  choler  was 
now  so  much  roused,  that  he  would  not  listen  to 
reason,  and,  forgetful  of  the  poisoned  arrows  of 
the  natives,  he  uttered  a  short  prayer  to  the  Vir 
gin,  in  whose  protection  he  blindly  confided,  and 
buckling  on  his  armour,  charged  furiously  upon 
them.  The  old  pilot  could  not  sit  still  and  see 
the  fray,  but  rushed  forward  as  gallantly  as  if  it 
had  been  of  his  own  seeking.  The  Indians  soon 
dispersed,  leaving  a  number  killed  and  wounded  on 
the  field,  and  several  were  made  prisoners  in  the 
course  of  the  pursuit,  which  Ojeda  followed  for 
three  or  four  miles,  into  the  interior,  in  spite  of 
the  remonstrance  of  his  Mentor.  Still  De  la  Cosa 
kept  up  with  him,  and  joined  in  all  the  hair- 
brained  risks  which  he  ran,  though  continually 
remonstrating  against  his  useless  temerity. 

At  length  they  were  stopped  by  a  stronghold  of 
the  enemy.  With  his  old  war-cry  of  "Santiago," 
Ojeda  led  his  men  to  a  furious  assault.  Eight  of 
the  bravest  of  the  Indian  warriors  threw  them 
selves  into  a  hut,  whence  they  discharged  such 
showers  of  arrows,  that  for  a  time  the  hardiest  of 
the  assailants  were  kept  at  bay.  The  reproaches 
of  Ojeda  reanimated  them,  and  an  old  Castilian 
soldier,  stung  by  his  cry  of  "Shame,"  fell  pierced 
through  the  heart  by  an  arrow,  on  the  threshold 
335 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

of  the  door  which  he  vainly  attempted  to  force. 
At  last  fire  was  applied  to  the  hut,  which  in  an  in 
stant  was  in  a  blaze,  and  the  eight  warriors  per 
ished  in  the  flames. 

Then  they  yielded,  and  seventy  captives  were 
sent  back  to  the  ships.  Still  the  pursuit  was  con 
tinued  ;  another  village  was  reached,  which  was 
found  deserted.  The  Indians  had  fled  to  the 
mountains  with  their  women  and  children,  and  all 
their  effects.  Thinking  themselves  secure,  by  this 
time,  in  the  terror  of  the  natives,  the  Spaniards 
dispersed  themselves  over  the  country  in  search  of 
booty,  in  small  parties.  Taking  advantage  of 
this  incaution,  the  Indians  again  attacked  them. 
They  fought  resolutely,  but  unavailingly,  and 
were  borne  down  by  overwhelming  numbers.  On 
the  first  alarm,  Ojeda  collected  a  few  soldiers,  and 
defended  himself  behind  a  stockade  which  he 
erected.  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  hearing  of  his  comman 
der's  danger,  rushed  to  his  assistance.  Before 
the  gate  of  the  enclosure,  the  brave  pilot  kept  the 
savages  at  bay,  until  most  of  his  followers  were 
killed  and  he  himself  severely  wounded.  Then 
Ojeda  dashed  among  the  Indians  like  a  tiger,  deal 
ing  his  blows  on  every  side.  La  Cosa  was  too 
feeble  to  second  him,  and  took  refuge  in  a  cabin, 
where  he  defended  himself  till  all  but  one  of  his 
men  were  slain ;  then  sinking  to  the  ground,  and 
feeling  that  his  death  was  drawing  nigh,  he  said 
to  his  surviving  companion,  "  Brother,  since  God 
has  protected  thee  from  harm,  sally  out  and  fly, 
and  if  ever  thou  shouldest  see  Alonzo  de  Ojeda. 
tell  him  of  my  fate." 

"Thus,"  says  the  eloquent  historian,  in  words 

which  it  is  impossible  to  abridge,  "thus  fell  the 

hardy  Juan  de  la  Cosa;  nor  can  we  refrain  from 

pausing  to  pay  a  passing  tribute  to  his  memory. 

336 


AMERICUS  VESPUC1US. 

He  was  acknowledged  by  his  contemporaries  to  be 
one  of  the  ablest  of  those  gallant  Spanish  naviga 
tors  who  first  explored  the  way  to  the  New  World. 
But  it  is  by  the  honest  and  kindly  qualities  of  his 
heart  that  his  memory  is  most  endeared  to  us ;  it 
is,  above  all,  by  that  loyalty  in  friendship  dis 
played  in  this  his  last  and  fatal  expedition. 
Warmed  by  his  attachment  for  a  more  youthful 
and  hotheaded  adventurer,  we  see  this  wary  vet 
eran  of  the  seas  forgetting  his  usual  prudence 
and  the  lessons  of  his  experience,  and  embarking, 
heart  and  hand,  purse  and  person,  in  the  wild 
enterprises  of  his  favourite.  We  behold  him  watch 
ing  over  him  as  a  parent,  remonstrating  with  him 
as  a  counsellor,  but  fighting  by  him  as  a  par 
tisan  ;  following  him  without  hesitation  into 
known  and  needless  danger,  to  certain  death  itself, 
and  showing  no  other  solicitude  in  his  dying 
moments  but  to  be  remembered  by  his  friend. 
The  history  of  these  Spanish  discoveries  abound 
in  noble  and  generous  traits  of  character,  but 
few  have  charmed  us  more  than  this  instance  of 
loyalty  to  the  last  gasp,  in  the  death  of  the 
staunch  Juan  de  la  Cosa.  The  Spaniard  who 
escaped  to  tell  the  story  of  his  end  was  the  only 
survivor  of  serventy  that  had  followed  Ojeda  in 
this  rash  and  headlong  inroad." 

While  these  events  were  taking  place  on  shore, 
those  who  remained  on  board  their  ships  suffered 
the  greatest  anxiety  for  the  fate  of  their  com 
rades.  Some  days  elapsed,  and  no  news  of  them 
reached  the  vessels.  Detached  parties  were  sent  a 
short  distance  into  the  woods  in  search  of  them, 
and  boats  were  manned  and  proceeded  to  ex 
amine  the  shores  in  the  hope  of  seeing  something 
of  their  lost  comrades.  They  did  not  dare,  how 
ever,  to  go  far  inland,  for  they  constantly  heard 
22  337 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

the  war-whoop  and  shouts  of  their  savage  foes 
ringing  through  the  forest.  One  day.  as  they 
were  about  giving  up  in  despair,  they  saw  the 
body  of  a  man  in  Spanish  attire  lying  in  a  thicket 
of  mangrove  trees,  and  half  concealed  by  the 
undergrowth  of  shrubs.  The  roots  of  the  man 
grove  rise  and  interwine  with  each  other  above 
the  water  in  which  they  grow;  and  extended  on 
these  roots,  with  his  buckler  on  and  his  sword  in 
his  hand,  but  so  weakened  by  hunger  and  fa 
tigue  that  he  was  unable  to  speak,  the  Spaniards 
found  Alonzo  de  Ojeda.  He  was  chilled  with  the 
damps  of  his  hiding-place,  but  they  soon  kindled  a 
fire,  and,  by  degrees,  he  recovered  sufficiently  to 
tell  them  his  sad  story. 

He  had  effected  his  purpose  of  cutting  his  way 
through  the  Indians,  and  almost  in  utter  despair 
at  the  loss  of  so  many  brave  followers,  he  had 
wandered  about  alone,  scarcely  knowing  whither 
he  was  going,  and  had  at  last  sunk  down  to  die. 
where  his  remaining  followers  fortunately  found 
him.  All  considered  his  escape  miraculous,  and 
when  it  was  found  that  he  was  not  wounded,  al 
though  the  marks  of  over  three  hundred  arrows 
were  on  his  buckler,  their  astonishment  was  redou 
bled,  and  Ojeda  himself  attributed  it  to  another 
interposition  of  the  Virgin  in  his  favour.  But  the 
Indians  were  not  destined  to  enjoy  their  triumph 
long.  While  his  companions  were  busily  engaged 
in  administering  to  the  wants  of  their  comman 
der,  the  ships  of  Nicuessa  appeared  in  the  offing. 
Ojeda,  remembering  his  recent  quarrel  with  the 
rival  governor,  feared  that  he  would  take  advan 
tage  of  his  misfortunes,  but  his  apprehensions 
were  groundless.  With  the  true  spirit  of  a  Span 
ish  Hidalgo,  he  received  Ojeda  with  open  arms, 
expressed  himself  willing  to  forget  all  their  dif- 
338 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

ferences,  and  placed  himself  and  his  men  under  the 
orders  of  Ojeda,  to  assist  him  in  dealing  a  blow 
of  vengeance  upon  his  savage  enemies. 

Again  inspirited  by  this  noble  conduct,  Ojeda 
prepared  at  once  for  the  attack.  The  two  gov 
ernors,  no  longer  rivals,  landed  with  four  hundred 
men,  and  set  off  with  promptness  for  the  Indian 
village  in  the  night.  They  surrounded  it  before 
the  natives  were  alarmed,  for  they  thought  that 
they  had  slain  all  the  Spaniards,  and  were  repos 
ing  in  perfect  security.  Their  sleep  was  broken  first 
by  the  assault  of  the  exasperated  Spaniards,  who 
soon  set  their  dwellings  in  a  blaze  and  spared 
neither  women  nor  children  in  the  fury  of  their 
attack.  The  slaughter  was  great,  and  the  ven 
geance  complete,  and  leaving  the  smoking  ashes 
of  the  ruined  village,  the  Spaniards  returned  to 
their  ships. 

While  searching  in  all  directions  for  booty,  of 
which  they  found  a  large  amount,  they  discovered 
the  body  of  the  unfortunate  Juan  de  la  Cosa.  It 
was  tied  to  a  tree,  and  swollen  and  discoloured  in 
a  shocking  manner  by  the  baneful  poison  of  the 
arrows  by  which  he  was  killed.  Bitterly  did  Ojeda 
repent  that  he  had  not  followed  the  advice  of  his 
trusty  lieutenant,  and  in  sadness  and  mourning 
he  prepared  too  tardily  to  adopt  his  plans. 

Having  determined  to  leave  at  once  a  place 
which  had  been  so  disastrous  to  him,  Ojeda  set 
sail  once  more  with  his  disheartened  followers, 
after  having  made  two  or  three  vain  attempts  to 
discover  the  River  Darien,  steered  for  the  Gulf  of 
Uraba,  on  the  eastern  shore  of  which  he  fixed 
upon  a  place  to  build  his  fortress.  With  his  usual 
energy,  every  thing  that  was  needful  was  soon 
landed  from  the  ships ;  houses  were  built,  and  his 
embryo  capital,  which  he  called  San  Sebastian, 
339 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

was  protected  by  a  strong  wooden  stockade  and 
fortress.  Feeling  the  weakness  of  his  force,  he 
lost  no  time  in  dispatching  a  messenger  to  his 
friend,  the  Bachelor  Enciso,  whom  he  had  engaged 
in  his  undertaking  in  Hispaniola,  urging  him  to 
send  forward  his  recruits  and  supplies  with  expe 
dition.  Again  and  again  before  their  expected 
reinforcement  could  have  arrived,  were  they  at 
tacked  by  the  natives,  and  at  last,  when  their 
provisions  began  to  fail,  and  they  were  compelled 
to  forage  among  the  villages,  in  search,  not  of 
gold,  but  of  food,  the  discouraged  Spaniards 
were  entirely  routed,  and  pursued  with  yells  to 
the  very  gates  of  their  fortress.  Some  died  in 
agony  from  their  wounds,  others  perished  with 
famine,  and  death  came  to  be  looked  upon  among 
them  as  a  relief  from  horror  and  misery,  to  be 
welcomed  rather  than  shunned. 

Ojeda  was  thought  by  the  Indians  to  possess  a 
charmed  life,  for  as  yet  they  had  never  been  able 
even  to  wound  him.  They  determined,  however, 
to  test  the  fact,  and  having  previously  prepared 
four  of  their  best  marksman,  they  led  him  into  an 
ambush  where  these  men  could  take  sure  aim  at 
him.  Three  of  their  arrows  glanced  harmlessly 
from  his  buckler;  the  fourth  pierced  his  thigh. 
Fearing  from  certain  symptoms  that  it  was  pois 
oned,  Ojeda  ordered  his  surgeon  to  apply  to  the 
wound  red-hot  irons,  to  burn  out  the  venom.  The 
surgeon  refused,  and  only  yielded  when  Ojeda 
made  a  solemn  vow  that  he  would  have  him 
hanged  if  he  did  not  comply.  He  endured  this 
painful  operation  without  a  groan,  and  the  wound 
was  healed ;  the  cold  poison,  says  the  good  Bishop 
Las  Casas,  being  consumed  by  the  vivid  fire. 

In  the  midst  of  their  sufferings,  and  while  daily 
looking  for  the  arrival  of  the  ship  of  the  Bachelor 
340 


AMERICUS  VESPTJCIUS. 

Eneiso,  a  strange  vessel  made  its  appearance  at 
San  Sebastian.  It  turned  out  to  be  a  Genoese 
vessel  which  had  been  seized  by  one  Talavera, 
and  a  band  of  piratical  desperadoes,  who,  hearing 
of  the  condition  of  Ojeda  and  his  associates,  felt 
sure  of  being  gladly  received  into  his  service,  their 
supplies  of  provisions  and  reinforcement  of  men 
being  absolutely  necessary  to  the  beleaguered  col 
ony.  The  good  father  Charlevoix  thought  their 
arrival  was  a  manifest  interposition  of  Divine 
Providence  in  their  favour,  and  whether  that  was 
the  case  or  not,  it  undoubtedly  saved  them  when 
on  the  very  brink  of  destruction.  Still  it  was  only 
a  temporary  relief.  The  ship  of  Enciso  did  not 
arrive,  and  in  a  short  time,  famine  again  raged 
in  all  its  horrors,  notwithstanding  the  scrupulous 
care  with  which  Ojeda  doled  out  to  each  of  his 
suffering  comrades  his  scanty  allowance  of  food. 
Discontent  and  factions  came  with  hunger,  till 
finally  Ojeda  was  compelled  to  enter  into  an  agree 
ment  with  his  mutinous  colonists,  which  had  the 
effect  of  quieting  them  for  a  time.  The  agreement 
was  that  he  himself  should  proceed  to  Hispanioki 
in  quest  of  supplies,  and  that  if  at  the  end  of 
forty  days,  during  which  they  were  to  endure  as 
well  as  they  could  the  privations  of  San  Sebastian, 
no  relief  or  tidings  of  him  should  reach  them, 
they  were  to  be  at  liberty  to  abandon  the  colony, 
and  return  to  Hispaniola  in  the  brigantines.  The 
government  of  the  colony  was,  in  the  meantime, 
to  be  left  in  the  hands  cf  Pizarro,  as  his  lieuten 
ant,  until  the  coming  of  the  Bachelor  Enciso. 

Having  concluded  this  convention,  Ojeda  em 
barked  in  the  ship  of  the  piratical  leader.  It  was 
an  unlucky  moment  when  he  consented  to  take 
this  course.  They  had  hardly  put  out  to  sea  be 
fore  a  fierce  quarrel  arose  between  Talavera  and 
341 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

himself,  with  regard  to  their  respective  rights  of 
command,  which  ended  in  his  being  seized  by  the 
freebooter's  crew  and  loaded  with  irons.  In  vain 
did  he  revile  them  as  recreants,  pirates,  and  cow 
ards,  and  offer  to  fight  them  all  if  they  would 
give  him  a  fair  field  on  the  deck,  with  his  weapons 
in  his  hands,  and  attack  him  two  at  a  time. 
They  had  heard  too  much  of  his  skill  and  bravery 
not  to  fear  him  even  with  these  odds,  and  he 
would  probably  have  been  carried  in  irons  to 
Hispaniola,  had  not  a  violent  gale  ensued,  which 
induced  the  pirates  to  set  him  free  in  order  to 
have  the  benefit  of  his  skill  as  a  pilot.  With  all 
his  efforts,  however,  against  storms  and  currents, 
he  was  unable  to  carry  the  vessel  into  her  destined 
port.  After  being  tost  about  by  the  tempest  for 
several  days,  he  was  induced  to  the  alternative 
of  running  her  on  shore  on  the  southern  side 
of  Cuba,  to  prevent  her  from  foundering  at  sea. 

After  the  wreck  of  their  vessel  the  pirates  found 
themselves  in  a  worse  situation  than  they  were 
in  before  they  had  captured  her.  With  the  un- 
definable  yearning  after  the  haunts  of  society, 
which  civilized  men  always  feel,  they  were  anxious 
to  reach  Hispaniola,  although  they  knew  that 
dungeons  and  chains  awaited  them.  Their  only 
course  was  to  travel  on  foot  to  the  eastern  ex 
tremity  of  the  island,  and  there  seek  some  means 
of  transportation,  and,  valuable  as  the  aid  of 
Ojeda  had  been  to  them  at  sea.  they  soon  found 
that  the  resources  of  his  mind  were  of  equal  im 
portance  to  them  on  shore.  He  gradually  gained 
the  ascendancy  over  them,  and  assumed  the  com 
mand,  although  they  still  regarded  him  with  feel 
ings  of  hostility ;  displaying  thus  the  power  which 
a  master-spirit  always  exercises  in  the  hour  of 
difficulty  and  danger. 

342 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Cuba,  not  at  that  time  colonized,  had  become 
the  refuge  of  many  of  the  unfortunate  inhabi 
tants  of  Hayti  who  had  fled  from  the  tasks  and 
whips  of  their  masters,  and  found  temporary 
security  in  the  forests  of  the  neighbouring  island. 
Their  accounts  had  inflamed  the  minds  of  many 
of  the  tribes  who  inhabited  the  villages,  so  that 
the  march  of  the  Spaniards  was  continually  op 
posed  both  by  the  runaways  and  by  the  natives 
themselves.  Ojeda  at  first  easily  repulsed  their 
attacks,  but  finding  that  his  men  grew  weaker 
daily,  he  resolved,  for  the  remainder  of  the  jour 
ney,  to  avoid  as  much  as  possible  the  villages, 
and  accordingly  led  his  men  into  the  thickest  of 
the  forests,  and  by  the  broad  savannahs,  which 
stretched  along  the  seashore.  While  thus  avoiding 
one  evil,  he  met  with  another,  almost  if  not  quite 
as  great.  The  plains  which  the  Spaniards  en 
tered  at  first,  appeared  covered  with  high  grass 
and  rank  vegetation,  which,  though  it  rendered 
their  progress  slow,  was  but  a  trifling  matter  to 
what  was  in  reserve  for  them.  The  ground  grad 
ually  became  moist  under  their  feet,  and  finally 
ended  in  an  immense  morass,  or  salt  marsh,  where 
the  water  reached  to  their  knees.  Stll  they  pressed 
forward,  continually  encouraged  by  Ojeda,  who 
had  no  idea  of  the  task  he  was  undertaking.  The 
marsh  extended  for  upwards  of  thirty  leagues,  and 
the  farther  they  proceeded,  the  deeper  became  the 
mire,  until  at  last  it  seemed  to  them  interminable 
and  they  were  ready  to  give  up  in  despair.  Nu 
merous  rivers  and  creeks  intersected  this  fatal 
plain,  which  they  had  to  cross,  and  many  who 
could  not  swim  were  drowned.  The  only  way 
in  which  they  could  sleep  was  by  climbing  among 
the  twisted  roots  of  the  mangrove  trees,  which 
grew  in  the  water.  Their  provisions  were  almost 
343 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

exhausted,  and  their  sufferings  from  thirst  were 
extreme,  when,  having  been  eight  days  upon  their 
journey,  Ojeda  determined  to  struggle  forward 
with  a  few  of  the  least  weary  of  the  men.  He  en 
couraged  those  whom  he  left  behind  to  persevere, 
and  taking  from  his  knapsack  a  small  picture  of 
the  Virgin,  which  the  Bishop  Fonseca  had  given 
him,  and  which  he  always  carried  about  his  person, 
he  knelt  before  it.  and  made  a  solemn  vow  that 
he  would  erect  a  chapel  for  the  service  of  his 
patroness  in  the  first  Indian  village  at  which  he 
might  arrive. 

Well  did  the  venerable  Bishop  Las  Casas  say, 
"the  sufferings  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  New  World, 
in  their  search  for  gold,  were  more  cruel  and  se 
vere  than  ever  nation  in  the  world  endured ;  but 
those  experienced  by  Ojeda  and  his  men  have  sur 
passed  all  others."  They  were  thirty  days  in 
crossing  this  immense  and  horrible  swamp.  Out  of 
seventy  men  who  entered  it,  only  thirty-five  ever 
emerged  from  it,  and  when  Ojeda,  with  a  few  of 
the  most  vigorous  of  his  advanced  party,  at  last 
reached  a  spot  where  the  land  was  firm  and  dry  .their 
joy  was  unutterable,  yet  their  weakness  only  per 
mitted  them  to  go  a  short  distance  to  an  Indian  vil 
lage  ere  they  dropped  down  completely  exhausted. 

This  village  was  ruled  by  a  cacique  named  Cu- 
yebas.  His  tribe  gathered  around 'the  Spaniards 
with  wonder,  but  as  soon  as  their  story  was  told , 
vied  with  each  other  in  acts  of  humanity  to  the 
suffering  strangers.  They  bore  them  to  their 
houses,  and  furnished  them  with  food  and  drink, 
and  the  chief  sent  a  large  party  into  the  morass 
with  orders  to  bring  out  those  remaining  behind 
on  their  shoulders,  if  they  were  unable  to  walk. 
How  noble  an  example  they  offered  to  their 
Christian  guests—an  example  of  humanity,  in- 
344 


AMERICUS  VESPUC1US. 

deed,  which  would  have  reflected  honour  upon  the 
most  civilized  race. 

Ojeda,  as  soon  as  he  had  recovered  from  his 
sufferings,  prepared  faithfully  to  perform  his  vow. 
He  built  a  email  chapel  in  the  village,  and  erected 
an  altar,  over  which  he  suspended  his  much- 
valued  picture  of  the  Virgin.  He  next  explained 
to  the  benevolent  cacique,  and  many  of  the  in 
habitants,  the  main  points  of  the  Catholic  faith, 
and  more  particularly  the  history  of  the  Virgin 
Mother.  However  little  they  understood  the  doc 
trines  which  he  endeavoured  to  teach  them,  they 
conceived  a  high  respect  for  the  picture  which  he 
left.  They  ever  kept  the  little  chapel  cleanly  swept 
and  decorated  with  votive  offerings  and  flowers, 
and  when  Las  Casas  subsequently  visited  the  place 
he  performed  mass  at  its  altar,  and  baptized 
under  its  roof  the  children  of  the  humane  and 
innocent  natives. 

This  duty  having  been  duly  performed.  Ojeda 
and  his  party  proceeded  on  their  journey.  The  in 
habitants  of  this  part  of  the  coast  received  them 
everywhere  kindly,  and  they  continued  their  way 
to  the  province  of  Macaca,  where  Columbus  had 
previously  been  well  received,  and  where  they  also 
were  hospitably  entertained.  This  province  was 
at  the  Cape  de  la  Cruz,  the  nearest  point  on  the 
coast  to  the  neighbouring  Island  of  Jamaica. 
Here  they  found  a  canoe,  and  one  of  their  men, 
by  name  Pedro  de  Ordas,  undertook  the  danger 
ous  task  of  carrying  a  message  across  to  the  Gov 
ernor  Esquibel.  The  distance  of  twenty  leagues 
was  safely  accomplished  by  the  brave  mariner  in 
his  frail  bark,  and  soon  as  the  message  was  de 
livered  a  caravel  was  dispatched  by  the  governor 
to  the  assistance  of  the  unfortunate  discoverer 
and  his  companions. 

345 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

It  seems  to  have  been  the  fate  of  Ojeda  to  be 
placed  in  mortifying  positions  with  respect  to  his 
enemies.  This  very  Esquibel,  who  now  received 
him,  with  the  greatest  kindness,  into  his  own 
house,  he  had.  with  foolish  bravado,  threatened 
to  decapitate,  when  leaving  San  Domingo,  in  all 
the  flush  and  glory  of  commanding  a  new  expedi 
tion.  He  was  no  longer  in  a  position  even  to 
assert  the  rights  with  which  he  conceived  that 
Esquibel  had  interfered,  and  his  warm  heart  was 
deeply  touched  by  the  generous  conduct  of  his 
adversary.  He  remained  several  days  with  Es 
quibel,  and  when  he  set  sail  once  more  for  San 
Domingo,  parted  from  him  in  the  best  friendship. 

On  the  arrival  of  Ojeda  at  this  island  the  first 
enquiry  that  he  made  was  for  the  Bachelor  En- 
ciso.  He  learned  that  he  had  sailed  long  before 
with  supplies  for  the  colony,  but  that  no  tidings 
had  been  heard  from  him.  Anxious  for  the  safety 
of  his  colony,  and  fearing  that  his  partner  had 
perished  in  the  same  storm  in  which  he  himself 
had  been  wrecked,  he  attempted  to  organize  a 
new  armament.  But  the  prestige  of  success  which 
had  hitherto  attended  him  was  wanting.  His 
disasters  were  well  known,  and  in  every  one'w 
mouth,  and  though  when  figuring  as  the  com 
mander  of  a  new  fleet,  when  his  previous  exploits 
were  the  popular  theme,  he  found  no  lack  of 
friends  or  followers,  yet  then  all  looked  coldly 
upon  him,  and  bankrupt  in  hope  and  fortune 
his  schemes,  once  so  highly  extolled,  were  pro 
nounced  wild  and  visionary.  He  was  unsuccessful 
in  all  his  endeavours,  and  never  again  left  the 
Island  of  Hispaniola. 

It  is  sad  to  contemplate  the  ruin  of  a  man 
possessed  of  so  many  gallant  and  noble  qualities 
as  those  which  distinguished  Ojeda.  He  appears 
346 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

to  have  lingered  some  time  at  San  Domingo,  his 
health  broken  by  hardship,  and  his  proud  spirit 
by  poverty  and  neglect.  Las  Casas  gives  an 
affecting  picture  of  his  last  moments.  He  died  in 
such  extreme  want  that  he  did  not  leave  money 
sufficient  to  pay  for  his  funeral  expenses,  and  so 
deep  was  his  humility,  that  he  begged  that  he 
might  be  buried  beneath  the  gateway  of  the  mon 
astery  of  San  Francisco,  as  an  expiation  of  his 
former  pride,  "in  order  that  all  who  entered  might 
tread  upon  his  grave." 

"Never,"  says  Charlevoix,  speaking  of  Ojeda, 
"was  a  man  more  suited  for  a  coup  de  main,  or 
to  achieve  and  suffer  great  things  under  the  di 
rection  of  another;  no  one  had  a  heart  more 
lofty,  or  an  ambition  more  aspiring ;  no  one  ever 
took  less  heed  of  fortune,  or  showed  greater  firm 
ness  of  soul,  or  found  more  resources  in  his  own 
courage;  but  no  one  was  less  calculated  to  be 
commander-in-chief  of  a  great  enterprise.  Good 
management  and  good  fortune  forever  failed  him." 


347 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


VI. 

DOCUMENTS   RELATING  TO   AMERICUS 
VESPUCIUS  : 

PRESENTED  IN  THE  COLLECTION  OF  NAVARRETE. 

The  industry  and  research  of  Don  Martin  Fe- 
nandez  de  Navarrete  have  rescued  from  the  Span 
ish  archives  of  Simancas  and  Seville  many  notices 
and  documents  relating  to  Americus,  which,  at 
first,  it  seemed  desirable  to  translate  for  this 
work.  A  subsequent  consideration  of  them,  and 
the  large  space  they  would  necessarily  occupy,  if 
given  in  extensoy  has  led  to  the  substitution  of  an 
abstract  of  their  contents.  They  are  arranged  by 
that  author  in  fifteen  sections. 

Numbers  I.  and  II.,  dated  respectively  on  the 
10th  and  15th  of  July,  1494,  consist  of  a  royal 
decree  and  letter  respecting  certain  payments  and 
proceedings  of  Juan  Berardi,  the  agent  in  prepar 
ing  the  expeditions  of  Columbus. 

Number  III.,  dated  April  llth.  1505,  contains  a 
royal  decree,  addressed  to  Alonzo  de  Morales,  the 
treasurer  of  the  queen,  commanding  him  to  pay 
Americus  the  sum  of  12,000  maravedis. 

Number  IV.,  dated  April  24th,  1505,  is  a  royal 
letter  of  naturalization,  in  favour  of  Americus,  for 
the  kingdoms  of  Castile  and  Leon. 

Number  V.,  dated  August  23d,  1506,  is  a  letter 
from  the  King  Philip  to  the  officers  of  the  Board 
of  Trade  at  Seville,  inquiring  what  was  necessary 
or  important  to  facilitate  the  quick  despatch  of 
the  fleet  destined  for  the  Spice  Islands. 

Number  VI.  is  a  certificate  of  the  keeper  of  the 
348 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

archives  of  the  Indies,  at  Seville,  given  to  Senor 
Navarrete,  of  various  notices  relative  to  Americus 
which  are  to  be  found  in  certain  accounts  there 
preserved.  These  consist  of  various  accounts  ren 
dered  by  him,  and  of  his  receipts  for  money  paid. 

Number  VII.,  dated  March  22d,  1508,  contains 
a  royal  decree,  granting  to  Americus  the  salary  of 
50,000  maravedis,  as  chief  pilot  of  the  kingdom. 

Number  VIII.  is  another  decree  of  the  same  date, 
making  an  increase  of  25.000  maravedis  to  his 
salary. 

Number  IX.  contains  a  royal  declaration,  setting 
forth  at  great  length  the  duties  and  responsibili 
ties  of  the  new  office  of  chief  pilot,  which  is  ad 
dressed  to  Americus  in  the  name  of  the  Queen 
Joanna. 

Number  X.  is  a  continuation  of  the  accounts 
which  were  commenced  in  number  VI.,  and  ex 
tending  to  the  date  of  the  death  of  Americus  in 
1512.  This  number  contains,  among  other  no 
tices,  one  of  a  payment  of  10,937  maravedis  to  the 
canon  Manuel  Catano,  of  Seville,  as  the  executor 
of  the  will  of  Americus,  that  amount  being  the 
balance  due  of  his  salary  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

Number  XI.  is  a  royal  decree,  granting  a  pension 
for  life,  of  10,000  maravedis  per  annum,  to  the 
widow  of  Americus,  Maria  Cerozo.  This  is  dated 
May  22d,  1512. 

Number  XII.  contains  the  royal  appointment  of 
Juan  Vespucci  to  the  office  of  pilot,  with  a  salary 
of  20,000  maravedis  per  annum. 

Number  XIII.  contains  a  letter  from  the  king  to 
the  Bishop  Fonseca,  requesting  that  he  would  in 
quire  into  the  fitness  of  Andres  de  San  Martin  to 
succeed  Americus  in  the  office  of  chief  pilot. 

Number  XIV.  contains  another  decree  respecting 
the  pension  of  the  widow  of  Americus,  fixing  it  as 
349 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

a  charge  upon  the  salary  of  the  chief  pilot;  the 
office  at  that  time  being  held  by  Sebastian  Cabot, 
who  had  succeeded  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis,  the  suc 
cessor  of  Americus. 

Number  XV.  is  a  long  letter  from  the  Viscount 
of  Santaren,  respecting  the  voyages  of  Americus 
made  in  the  service  of  Portugal.  This  letter, 
dated  the  15th  of  July,  1826,  is  in  answer  to  one 
addressed  to  Senhor  de  Santaren,  by  Navarrete 
and  contains  some  remarkable  statements  re 
specting  the  absence  of  any  documentary  evidence 
of  the  two  last  voyages  of  Americus.  The  writer 
was  at  the  time  Chief  Master  of  the  Archives  of 
Portugal,  and  caused,  as  he  says,  diligent  inquiry 
to  be  made  for  any  documents  relating  to  Ameri 
cus  in  the  Torre  do  Tombo,  the  receptacle  of  an 
immense  quantity  of  manuscripts  and  accounts 
relative  to  the  Indies,  from  the  date  of  the  dis 
covery.  In  relation  to  this  fact,  the  learned  Hum- 
boldt  remarks:  "It  is  very  strange,  that  not 
withstanding  the  researches  entered  into  by  the 
Viscount  de  Santaren,  at  that  time  Chief  Keeper 
of  the  Archives  for  the  kingdom  of  Portugal,  and 
since  then  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  the  name  of 
Vespucius  was  not  once  met  with  in  the  documents 
of  the  Torre  do  Tombo."  This  omission  is  the 
more  remarkable,  as  the  King  Emanuel.  by  whose 
command  Vespucius  performed  his  two  expedi 
tions  in  1501  and  1503,  took  particular  pains  to 
preserve  in  remembrance  the  events  of  his  reign. 

"How  can  it  be  explained,"  says  the  Viscount 
de  Santaren,  in  his  letter  of  25th  of  July,  1826, 
"that  this  monarch,  who  often  went  in  person  to 
attend  to  the  registration  of  documents  drawn 
from  the  library  of  Alphonso  V.,  forgot  to  record 
the  books  and  diary  which  Vespucius  pretends  to 
have  sent  to  him  ?  How  can  it  be  conceived  that 
350 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

the  learned  keeper  of  the  archives,  Damian  de 
Goes,  who  employed  so  much  time  in  matters  re 
lating  to  voyages  and  maritime  discoveries,  who 
communicated  constantly  with  Ramusio.  and  who 
travelled  himself  over  Italy,  knew  nothing  of  ex 
peditions,  made  at  a  period  only  forty-five  years 
before  his  own  time?"  "These  objections,"  pro 
ceeds  Humboldt,  "have  doubtless  much  weight 
but  negative  evidence,  such  as  the  want  of  docu 
ments,  cannot  decide  definitely  the  question  as  to 
the  authenticity  of  the  Portuguese  voyages  of 
Americus.  He  says  himself,  in  his  relation  of  his 
third  voyage,  that  the  king,  much  rejoiced  at  his 
arrival,  made  him  warm  proposals  to  start  with  a 
fleet  of  three  ships  for  the  discovery  of  new  landn. 
He  was  not,  from  the  commencement  of  the  voy 
age,  the  commander  of  the  expedition,  but  only 
a  person  whose  nautical  skill  might  be  available, 
skill  which  was  appreciated  too  late  in  Spain,  in 
1505.  I  can  prove  besides,  by  a  passage  of 
Peter  Martyr,  who  was  intimately  connected  with 
the  nephew  of  Americus,  that  he  was  protected 
and  in  the  pay  of  the  Portuguese  government. 
Americus  Vespucius  Florentinum  auspiciis  et  sti- 
pendio  Portugalensium  ultra,  lineain  sequinoc- 
tialem  ad  navigavit.  His  second  Decade,  which 
contains  this  striking  passage,  was  written  two 
years  after  the  death  of  Americus,  namely,  in 
1514." 

M.  de  Humboldt  instances  other  proofs  in  fav 
our  of  his  position,  among  them  the  official  evi 
dence  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  and  other  celebrated 
pilots,  relative  to  the  true  position  of  the  line  of 
demarcation  between  Spain  and  Portugal,  which 
Munoz  found  in  the  archives  of  the  Board  of 
Trade  at  Seville.  He  goes  on  to  remark,  that 
many  other  events,  which  produced  a  lively  sensa- 
351 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

tion  in  Europe  at  about  the  same  time,  left  no 
traces  in  the  public  documents  of  the  day.  and 
cites  by  way  of  example  the  triumphant  entry  of 
Columbus  into  Barcelona,  and  his  reception  by 
the  Catholic  monarchs  in  a  hall  magnificently 
adorned.  This  is  a  circumstance  well  established 
by  many  historians  of  credit,  yet  no  documents 
exist  in  the  archives  of  Spain  going-  to  prove  the 
fact. 

So  much  space  would  not  have  been  devoted  to 
this  letter,  had  it  not  been  for  the  purpose  of 
showing  the  effect  of  long-continued  prejudice 
against  Americus.  and  contrasting  it  with  the 
result  of  a  candid  examination.  Such  an  examina 
tion  was  made  by  M.  de  Humboldt  in  relation  to 
these  two  voyages,  and  though,  in  the  course  of 
his  work,  some  points  of  difference  exist  with  the 
statements  of  this  volume,  yet  he  has  evidently 
considered  the  subject  with  a  desire  to  arrive  at 
the  truth,  and  a  determination  to  divest  himself 
as  far  as  possible,  from  all  previous  prejudices. 


352 


AMEBICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


VII. 
LETTER  OF  M.  KANKE  TO  M.  DE  HUMBOLDT, 

RESPECTING  THE  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  AMERICUS 
WITH  SODERINI  AND  DE1  MEDICI.* 

It  seems  to  me  by  no  means  doubtful,  that  the 
member  of  the  family  of  Medici,  to  whom  some  of 
the  letters  of  Vespucius  are  addressed,  is  Lorenzo 
di  Pier  Francesco  de'  Medici,  who  was  born  in 
1463,  and  died  in  1503.  His  identity  is  proved, 
not  only  by  the  arguments  adduced  by  Bandini. 
but  especially  by  the  German  work  printed  in 
1505,  which  you  have  found  in  the  library  at 
Dresden,  and  in  which  the  name  of  Lorenzo  di 
Pier  Francesco  appears  on  the  first  page.  This 
personage  belonged  to  the  younger  branch  of  the 
Medici,  which  took  no  part  in  the  power  exercised 
by  the  elder  branch.  When,  after  the  decease  of 
Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  in  1492,  Piero  de'  Medici 
took  the  reins  of  government  in  Florence,  he  sepa 
rated  himself  from  his  cousins  of  the  cadet  branch, 
who,  however,  were  as  wealthy  as  the  elder  branch. 
A  rivalry  was  the  consequence  of  some  differences 
which  arose  between  them,  combined  with  the 
weakness  of  the  character  of  the  new  chief.  The 
opposition  of  the  cadet  branch  especially  manifest 
ed  itself  at  the  time  of  the  invasion  of  Charles 
VIII.,  when  Piero  de'  Medici  allied  himself  with 
the  King  of  Naples,  whilst  his  cousins  entered  into 
negotiations  with  France,  and  received  the  am 
bassadors  of  that  power.  When  the  victories  and 

*  Translated  from  a  note  to  the  Histoire  de  la  Ge"ographie  du 
Nouveau  Continent  of  M.  de  Humboldt. 
23  353 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

successes  of  Charles  VII.  excited  great  discontent 
among  the  people  of  Florence,  the  cadet  branch  of 
the  family,  and  especially  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Fran 
cesco,  favoured  these  movements. 

Modern  history  offers  numerous  examples  of 
these  discords  among  the  members  of  reigning 
families.  The  partisans  of  Pier  Francesco  adopted 
the  name  of  Popolani. 

The  family  of  Soderini  had  long  been  reckoned 
among  the  adherents  of  the  party  of  the  elder 
branch  of  the  Medici.  Among  the  Florentine  citi 
zens  there  was  not  one  who  had  rendered  more 
signal  services  to  the  father  and  grandfather  of 
Piero  de'  Medici  than  Tomaso  Soderini,  but  Piero 
de'  Medici  forgot  these  services.  The  children  of 
Tomaso,  Paolo  Antonio,  Francesco,  and  Piero, 
found  themselves  neglected  and  treated  with  dis 
dain.  On  this  account  they  soon  made  common 
cause  with  the  younger  branch  of  the  Medici, 
were  involved  in  the  revolution  of  the  9th  of 
November,  1494,  which  expelled  the  elder  branch, 
and  took  an  active  part  in  the  republican  regime, 
which  was  the  result  of  these  popular  movements. 
It  is  true  that  afterwards  there  were  some  slight 
differences  between  the  Soderini  and  the  Popo 
lani,  the  younger  branch  of  the  Medici.  It  is  cer 
tain  that  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco  did  not  see 
with  pleasure,  in  1502,  the  nomination  of  Piero 
Soderini,  son  of  Tomaso,  as  Gonfaloniere  of  Flor 
ence;  but,  on  the  whole,  the  Soderini  and  the 
Medici  of  the  cadet  branch  were  united  in  their 
political  interests. 

Moreover,  it  can  be  proved  that  the  Vespucci  be 
longed  to  the  republican  party  of  Florence.  Guido 
Antonio  Vespucci,  of  whom  Bandini  speaks,  was 
intimately  connected  with  the  movements  of  this 
party.  He  sat  immediately  after  the  expulsion  of 
354 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Piero  de'  Medici,  in  1494,  among  the  twenty  acco- 
piatori  of  the  first  magistrate,  conjointly  with  Lo 
renzo  di  Pier  Francesco.  He  was  afterwards  Gon- 
faloniere  even,  or  supreme  chief.  The  political 
connection  of  the  Vespucci  with  the  younger 
branch  of  the  Medici,  is  further  confirmed  by  a  let 
ter  that  Piero  Vespucci  wrote,  in  1494.  from 
Pistoia  to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici.  This  Lorenzo  is 
very  probably  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco,  the 
same  to  whom  Americus  addressed  some  of  his 
letters  during  a  long  absence  from  Italy. 

Nothing  can  be  more  natural  than  this  connec 
tion  of  the  navigator  with  the  republican  party  in 
Florence.  Even  Francesco  Lotti,  whom  Americus 
mentions  in  the  relation  of  his  second  voyage,  and 
by  whom  he  sent  to  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco  a 
chart  of  the  world,  was,  in  1529,  member  of  an 
administration  entirely  inimical  to  the  Medici  of 
the  elder  branch.  There  was  nothing  singular 
in  the  title  of  Magnifico,  given  occasionally  by 
Americus  to  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco.  One 
might  thus  gratify  the  cadet  branch,  on  account 
of  its  importance  in  the  State,  and  because  it  had 
always,  and  by  general  consent,  been  accorded  to 
the  elder  branch.  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco  died 
in  1503,  but  if  we  examine  with  care  the  end  of 
the  letter  which  Americus  addressed  to  him.  giving 
an  account  of  his  third  expedition,  we  find  nothing 
which  would  lead  to  the  supposition,  that  this  let 
ter  was  written  subsequent  to  the  fourth  expedi 
tion,  that  which  terminated  in  June,  1504.  I 
think  that  you  have  perfectly  solved  this  chrono 
logical  difficulty,  which  puzzled  Bandini. 


355 


INDEX. 


A. 

All  Saints,  Bay  of,  210. 

America,  name  of,  when  first  applied,  and  how  it 
originated,  215-221. 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS,  born  in  Florence,  March  9, 
1451,  50.  His  family  connections,  51-54  Des 
tined  from  early  youth  for  commercial  pursuits, 
56.  His  studies  with  his  uncle  Georgio  Antonio, 

58,  59.     Forms  a  friendship  witk-Piero  Soderini, 

59.  His  studies  interrupted  by  the  appearance 
of  the  plague  in  Florence,  60.     His  return  to  his 
studies,  61.     His  opportunities  of  meeting  with 
Toscanelli,    ib.     His    religious    instruction,    62. 
Letter  from  him  to  his  father,  62,  63.    Lack  of 
information  respecting   his  early  life,  64.     His 
purchase  of  a  map  by  Gabriel  de  Velasca,  64. 
The  misfortunes  of  his  brother  Girolamo  occasion 
his  departure  from  Italy,  65.    Receives  some  com 
missions  from  Lorenzo  di  Pier- Francesco  de'  Me 
dici,  66.     Sails  from  Leghorn  to  Barcelona,  ib. 
Takes  with  him  his  nephew  Giovanni,  and  other 
youthful  Florentines,  66.     Letter  from  him  writ 
ten  jointly  with  Donate  Nicollini,  67.     His  first 
acquaintance  with  Berardi,  and  subsequent  part 
nership  with  him,  68.     Contract  of  the  Spanish 
government  with  Berardi 's  house,  ib.     Probable 
reflections  of,  on  leaving  Florence,  68,  69.     Sup 
posed  incorrectly  by  some  authors  to  have  accom 
panied  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage,  69,  note. 
Meeting  of  Americus  with  Columbus,  71.     Per 
sonal  appearance  of  Americus,  71,  72.     Difference 
of  his  views  from  those  of  Columbus,  73.     His 
doubts,  73.     Imaginary  conversation  with  Colum 
bus,  74-83.     In  consequence  of  the  death  of  Ber 
ardi,  he  assumes  the  management  of  the  affairs  of 

357 


INDEX. 

AMEEICUS  VESPUCIUS—  Continued. 
the  house,  84.  Payments  to  him  by  Bernardo  Pi- 
nelo,  the  treasurer  of  Spain,  84.  He  despatches  an 
expedition  which  is  wrecked,  ib.  His  letter  to 
Soderini,  85.  Its  proper  address,  85.  Rank  held 
by  him  in  the  first  voyage,  ib.  Supposed  address 
of  his  letter  to  Rene,  King  of  Jerusalem  and 
Sicily,  and  Duke  of  Lorraine  and  Bar,  87.  Edi 
tions  of  the  letter  made  use  of  by  Canovai,  80, 
note.  The  edition  of  Gruniger  made  use  of  by 
Navarrete,  87.  Authenticity  of  it,  ib.  Authentic 
ity  of  its  date  questioned  by  Herrera,  88.  Histori 
cal  evidence  of  its  accuracy  and  arguments  on  the 
subject,  89-93.  Letter  of  Columbus  commending 
Ainericus,  94.  His  first  voyage  described  in  the 
first  part  of  his  letter  to  Soderini,  commencing,  100. 
His  reasons  for  writing,  101.  Departure  from  Ca 
diz,  May  10, 1497,  103.  First  landing  on  the  conti 
nent,  104.  Received  in  a  friendly  manner  by  the 
natives,  106.  Their  characteristics,  106,  107.  De 
scription  of  them,  their  mode  of  life,  and  pecu 
liarities,  108-111.  Arrival  at  Venezuela,  112. 
Battle  with  the  Indians,  114.  Continuation  of  the 
voyage,  114.  Meets  with  a  remarkable  animal 
like  a  serpent,  115.  Further  account  of  the  habits 
of  the  natives,  115,  116  Journey  inland,  117. 
Return  to  the  ships,  ib.  A  ludicrous  incident, 
118.  Description  of  the  country,  119.  Prepara 
tions  for  return  voyage,  120.  Discover  new 
islands,  121.  Cannibals  and  battle  with  them, 
121.  Capture  250  prisoners,  123.  Arrival  at 
Cadiz,  Oct.  15,  1498,  123.  The  first  news  of  his 
discoveries  probably  kept  secret  until  the  arrival 
of  despatches  from  Columbus,  125.  His  connec 
tion  with  Ojeda,  126.  His  marriage  with  Maria 
Cerezo,  128.  Visits  the  court,  129.  Equipment 
of  a  new  fleet,  130.  His  second  voyage  described 
in  a  letter  to  Lorenzo  di  Pier-Francesco  de'  Me 
dici,  181.  Departure  from  Cadiz,  May  18,  1499, 
133.  Arrival  at  the  New  World  in  24  days,  134. 
Remarkable  currents  near  the  shores,  134.  Beau 
tiful  birds — his  geographical  position,  135.  Solar 
shadow,  136.  Astronomical  observations,  137. 
The  Southern  Cross  calls  to  his  mind  the  remark 
able  lines  of  Dante,  137.  His  calculation  of  lati 
tude,  139.  Observation  of  the  transit  of  Mars, 
358 


INDEX. 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS — Continued. 
August  23,  1499,  140.  Further  description  of 
the  natives  seen  in  second  voyage,  142.  Second 
visit  to  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  143.  Sails  four  hun 
dred  leagues  along  the  shores  of  the  continent, 
144.  Battle  with  the  natives  and  great  slaugh 
ter,  145.  Meets  with  a  race  of  giants,  146.  Sec 
ond  visit  to  Venezuela.  147.  Sails  for  Hispaniola, 
148.  Preparations  for  return,  148.  Arrival  at 
Cadiz,  149.  Sends  a  globe  and  map  to  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici,  151.  Second  part  of  his  letter  to 
Soderini,  giving  further  account  of  his  second 
voyage,  154.  Departure  from  Cadiz,  ib.  Arrival 
at  the  New  World,  154.  Chases  and  captures  a 
large  canoe,  155.  Meets  friendly  natives,  and 
procures  pearls,  158.  Remains  seventeen  days  in 
port,  158.  Description  of  singular  habits  of  the 
natives,  159,  160.  Giants  again,  161.  Prepara 
tions  for  return,  163.  On  the  return  voyage  visits 
Antilla,  164.  Arrives  at  Cadiz,  June  8,  ib.  Un 
justifiable  perversion  of  the  words  of,  165.  At 
tacked  with  the  quartan  ague,  165.  Preparation 
for  another  voyage,  166.  Receives  letters  from 
the  King  of  Portugal,  inviting  him  to  his  service, 
166.  Messenger  sent  to  him,  168.  Leaves  Spain 
secretly,  169.  Received  with  joy  by  the  King 
of  Portugal,  ib.  Second  letter  to  De'  Medici,  giv 
ing  an  account  of  his  third  voyage,  171.  De 
parture  from  Cape  Verd,  ib.  His  astronomical 
observations,  172.  Describes  the  customs  of  the 
natives,  172-175.  Describes  climate  and  produc 
tions,  175,  176.  Third  letter  to  De'  Medici,  giv 
ing  a  fuller  account  of  his  third  voyage,  177. 
Departure  from  Lisbon,  May  13,  1501,  178.  Ex 
periences  terrible  storms,  179.  Arrives  at  the 
New  World,  Aug.  17,  1501,  179.  Finds  thickly 
inhabited  country,  and  gives  descriptions  of  the 
natives,  180-186.  Astronomical  observations, 
187.  His  work  on  the  subject  of  astronomy,  188. 
Illustration  of  the  antipodes,  190,  191.  Apolo 
gizes  for  not  sending  De'  Medici  his  journals,  192. 
Third  part  of  letter  to  Soderini,  194.  Gives  rea 
sons  for  going  to  Lisbon,  194.  Departure  from 
Lisbon,  May  13,  1501,  and  arrival  after  severe 
storms  at  the  New  World,  195,  196.  Takes  pos 
session  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  Portugal, 
359 


INDEX. 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS — Continued. 
196.  Despatches  two  of  the  crew  to  treat  with 
the  natives,  197.  Horrible  death  of  his  messen 
gers,  198.  Continues  the  voyage  along  the  coast 
for  750  leagues,  199.  Encounters  violent  storms, 
and  arrives  at  Lisbon,  Sept.  7^1502,  201,  202. 
Received  in  Lisbon  with  ceremonies  and  honours, 
203.  His  method  of  computing  longitude,  204. 
Prepares  for  a  fourth  voyage,  205.  Conclusion 
of  his  letter  to  Soderini,  206.  Departure  from 
Lisbon,  10th  May,  1503,  and  loss  of  part  of  the 
fleet,  207,  208.  Arrives  at  the  Bay  of  All  Saints, 
210.  Builds  a  fortress,  210.  Returns  to  Lisbon, 
June  18,  1504,  and  goes  to  Seville  in  latter  part 
of  1504,  210-213.  Assists  Columbus  at  court, 

213.  Influence  of  the  Queen  Isabella's  death  on 
his  fortunes,   214.     Receives  grants  of  money, 

214.  Named  Commander  in  a  new  expedition, 
ib.     Considerations  going  to  show  that  Americus 
did   not  attempt  himself  to   give  his  name  to 
America,  215-221.     Difficulties  in  the  way  of  the 
proposed  expedition,    223.      Instructions  of  the 
Board  of  Trade  to  him,  224.     Ultimate  fate  of  the 
expedition,   225.     His  salary,    with  the  title  of 
captain,  226.     Ordered  to  repair  to  court,   227. 
Appointed  chief  pilot,  228.     Establishes  himself 
in  Seville,  229.     Visits  Florence,  230.     His  death, 
February  22,  1512,  at  Seville,  229.     His  charac 
ter  and  writings,  231-235.     Narrative  of  the  voy 
age  of  De  Gama  attributed  to  him,  277-291. 

Antipodes,  illustration  of,  190,  191. 

Astrolabe,  invention  of  the,  25.  A  similar  instru 
ment  found  by  De  Gama  in  the  Red  Sea  and  Per 
sian  Gulf,  27. 

Azores,  discovery  of  strange  corpses  on  the  islands 
of  the,  35. 

B. 

Bahia  Honda,  Ojcda's  settlement  at,  325. 
Bartolozzi,  his  remarks  respecting  the  first  letter  of 

Americus  to  De'  Medici,  152. 
Bastides,  voyage  of,  328. 
Battle  with  the  Indians,  113. 
Bay  of  All  Saints,  210. 
Bell,  houses  shaped  like  a,  112. 
360 


INDEX. 

Benvenuto  Benvenuti,  bearer  of  the  letter  of  Ameri- 

cus  to  Soderini,  101. 
Benzoni,  218. 
Berardi,  Juan  or  Juanoto,  passport  granted  to  him 

in  1486,  by  the  Sovereigns  of  Spain,   66.     His 

death,  in  December,  1495,  84. 
Bernal,  the  curate  of  Los  Palacios,  his  writings,  and 

sketch  of  his  life,  47. 
Betel  nut,  159. 

Birds  of  great  beauty  seen  by  Americus,  135. 
Bojador,  discovery  of  Cape,  28. 
Bronzino,  his  portrait  of  Americus,  230. 
Bull  of  the  Pope  respecting  new  lands  discovered, 

30. 


Cabot,  Sebastian,  39.  Born  in  Bristol,  1467,  42. 
Decree  of  Henry  VII.  respecting  him,  42.  His 
voyages,  ib.  Goes  to  Spain  and  is  appointed 
Chief  Pilot,  43.  Returns  to  England,  43.  His 
discovery  of  the  principles  of  the  variation  of  the 
needle,  44.  In  reality  the  first  discoverer  of  the 
mainland  of  the  New'World,  93. 

Calcutta,  207. 

Campos,  Garcia  de,  partner  of  Ojeda,  324. 

Cannibals  seen  by  Americus,  141-148.  Kill  and  eat 
some  of  his  crew,  197,  198. 

Canoe,  interesting  chase  and  capture  of  a  large,  155, 
156. 

Canopi,  seen  by  Americus,  188. 

Canovai,  the  biographer  of  Americus,  editions  of 
the  letter  to  Soderini  made  use  of  by  him,  86,  note. 
Incorrect  opinion  as  to  the  name  of  America,  221. 
His  eulogium  of  Americus,  241. 

Caravans,  the  medium  of  commercial  communica 
tion,  21. 

Casas,  Bishop  de  las,  his  writings,  and  sketch  of  his 
life,  46. 

Cerezo,  Maria,  the  wife  of  Americus,  128. 

Charlevoix,  his  character  of  Ojeda,  347. 

Cipango,  Marco  Polo's  description  of,  317-319. 

Coelho,  Gonzalo,  205. 

Columbus,    Christopher,    reflections  of,  in  relation 
to  a  western  passage  to  India,  34.     Considers  the 
accounts  of  Marco  Polo  and  Mandeville,  35.     Let 
ter  from  Toscanelli  to  him,  35.     Not  ignorant  of 
361 


INDEX. 

COLUMBUS —  Continued. 

the  discoveries  of  the  Northmen,  36,  37.  Personal 
appearance  of,  71,  72.  Difference  of  his  views 
from  those  of  Americus,  73.  His  enthusiasm,  73. 
Imaginary  conversation  between  him  and  Ameri 
cus,  75-83.  His  letter  to  his  son  Don  Diego,  com 
mending  Americus,  94,  95.  His  curious  signa 
ture,  95,  note.  His  arrival  at  the  coast  of  Paria, 
134.  His  despatches  from  Hispaniola,  124,  125. 
His  discovery  of  Hispaniola,  mentioned  by  Ameri 
cus,  148.  Again  mentioned,  164.  His  return 
from  his  last  voyage,  and  sickness,  213.  Letters 
to  him  from  Paolo  Toscanelli,  292-297. 

Columbus,  Ferdinand,  his  writings,  and  sketch  of 
his  life,  46.  His  view  of  the  antiquity  of  fam 
ily,  55.  Never  makes  any  charges  against  Ameri 
cus  in  his  history,  96. 

Commerce,  carried  on  by  means  of  land  transporta 
tion,  21. 

Compass,  invention  of,  25. 

Constellations  of  the  Southern  Hemisphere,  171, 
172. 

Cosa,  Juan  de  la,  his  connection  with  Americus  and 
Ojeda,  130.  Ordered  to  proceed  to  Court  with 
Americus,  227.  His  subsequent  history,  323.  His 
connection  with  Bastides,  327,  328.  Meets  with 
Ojeda  in  Hispaniola,  329.  Accompanies  Ojeda  as 
lieutenant  in  his  last  expedition,  330.  Dissuades 
Ojeda  from  attacking  the  Indians,  335.  His  death, 
336.  Mr.  Irving 's  character  of  him,  336,  337. 

Coquibacoa,  the  modern  Venezuela,  arrival  of 
Americus  at,  112. 

Cosmography,  a  favourite  subject  of  speculation, 
32. 

Cuba,  sufferings  of  the  Spaniards  in,  343. 

Curacoa,  visited  by  Americus,  and  called  the  island 
of  Giants,  162. 

Currents  met  with  by  Americus  on  the  shores  of  the 
New  World,  134. 

D. 

Dante,  remarkable  passage  in  his  Purgatory  relat 
ing  to  the  Southern  Cross,  137,  138.  Quotation 
from,  205. 

Diaz,  Bartholomew,  his  discovery  of  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  81. 

363 


INDEX. 

Dighton,  sculptured  rock  of,  38,  39,  note. 
Discovery,  early,  28.      Progress   of,  32.      Of  the 
Grand  Canaries,  33. 

E. 

East,  ancient  cities  of  the,  22. 

Eastern  Empire,  fall  of,  25-35. 

Emmanuel,  King  of  Portugal,  endeavours  to  secure 
the  services  of  Americus,  166,  167. 

Enciso,  the  Bachelor,  346. 

Esquibel,  Governor  of  Jamaica,  346. 

Etruscan  Academy,  letter  of,  accompanying  the 
Eulogium  of  Canovai,  239,  240. 

Eulogium  of  Americus  by  Canovai,  241-272.  Re 
marks  of  the  translator  thereon,  273-276. 

F. 

Ferdinand,  King  of  Spain,  his  absence  from  Spain, 
225.  Return,  227. 

Florence  awakes  to  the  importance  of  navigation, 
40.  Custom  of  devoting  one  member  of  each 
noble  family  to  commerce,  55,  56.  Visited  by  the 
plague  in  1478,  60.  Its  magnificence  in  1480,  61. 

Fonseca,  the  Bishop,  grants  a  license  to  Ojeda  to 
prosecute  discoveries,  127.  His  hatred  of  Colum 
bus,  127,  note. 

G. 

Galileo,  204. 

Gama,  Vasco  de,  doubles  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
27.  Sketch  of  his  life,  28,  29,  note.  The  poet 
Thomson's  allusion  to  his  voyages,  169.  Narra 
tive  of  his  voyage  to  the  Indies  attributed  to 
Americus,  277-291. 

Giants,  race  of,  met  with  by  Americus,  146,  162- 
164. 

Giocondo,  Juliano,  sent  to  Americus  by  the  King 
of  Portugal,  167. 

Gomara,  Francisco  Lopez  de,  his  writings,  and 
sketch  of  his  life,  48. 

Greenland,  discoveries  of  the  Northmen  in,  36,  37. 

Gregory  IX.,  his  election  to  the  papacy,  299. 

Gricio,  Gaspar  de,  Secretary  of  King  Philip,  224. 
Letters  to  him,  224,  225. 

Grinaeus,  218,  219. 

Grogeda,  Diego  Rodriguez  de,  226. 
363 


INDEX. 


H. 

Henry,  Prince  of  Portugal,  sketch  of  his  character 
by  Dr.  Robertson,  25,  26.  Death  of,  in  1463,  31. 

Herrera,  his  writings,  and  sketch  of  his  life,  48. 
Questions  the  authenticity  of  the  date  of  the  let 
ter  of  Americus  to  Soderini,  88. 

Humboldt,  M.  de,  his  remarks  on  the  letter  of  the 
Viscount  de  Santaren  to  Navarrete,  350-352. 
Letter  of  M.  Ranke  to  him,  353-355. 

I. 

Ilacomilo,  216,  217. 

India,  speculations  respecting  a  passage  to,  33. 
Efforts  to  find  a  new  route  to,  24,  25. 

Inscription  over  the  door  of  the  Vespucci  Mansion, 
52. 

Isabella,  Queen  of  Spain,  213.  Last  testament  of, 
223. 

Island  of  the  Seven  Cities,  33. 

Italy,  no  possessions  in  the  New  World,  37.  Navi 
gators  of,  38-40.  State  of,  in  the  15th  century, 
40. 

Iti,  Island  of,  visited  by  Americus,  121. 


Joanna,  Queen  of  Spain,  223.     Her  insanity,  225. 

K. 

Kambalu,  the  paper  money  of,  319. 

Khan,  the  Grand,  account  of  the  kingdoms  of,  by 
Marco  Polo,  319-321.  His  attempt  to  conquer 
the  island  of  Cipango,  817,  318.  His  care  of  his 
subjects,  320-322. 

L. 

Lariab,  the  Indian  name  of  Paria,  119. 

Lery,  Jean  de,  219. 

Licenses  of  the  Court  of  Spain  for  the  prosecution 

of  voyages  of  discovery,  96,  97. 
Lisbon,  spirit  of  discovery  in,  35. 
Literature,  revival  of,  33. 

Longitude,  method  of  Americus  for  computing,  204. 
Luxury,  comparative,  in  different  nations,  23. 
364 


INDEX. 

M. 

Magdalena,  226. 

Mandeville,  Sir  John,  his  accounts  highly  esteemed 
by  Columbus,  34. 

Manufactories  of  the  South  of  Europe  in  the  15th 
century,  23. 

Malacca,  206,  207,  208. 

Maranham,  San  Luis  de,  visited  by  Americus,  155. 

Mars,  transit  of,  observed  by  Americus,  Aug.  23, 
1499,  140. 

Martyr,  Peter,  his  writings,  and  sketch  of  his  life, 
49,  218. 

Medici,  Lorenzo  de',  the  Magnificent,  61. 

Medici,  Lorenzo  di  Pier-Francesco  de',  employs 
Americus  to  go  to  Spain,  65.  Sketch  of  his  life, 
131,  132.  First  Letter  of  Americus  to  him,  133. 
Receives  a  globe  and  map  from  Americus,  151. 
Second  Letter  of  Americus  to  him,  171.  Third 
Letter  of  Americus  to  him,  177.  M.  Ranke's  Let 
ter  respecting  him,  353-355. 

Middle  ages,  system  of  commercial  transactions  in 
the,  22. 

Mini,  Elizabetta,  the  mother  of  Americus,  50. 

Monteregio,  his  almanac  used  by  Americus  in  his 
astronomical  calculations,  140. 

Munster,  his  description  of  the  Voyages  of  Ameri 
cus,  69,  note. 

N. 

Narrative  of  the  voyage  of  Vasco  de  Gama,  attrib 
uted  to  Americus,  277-280. 

Natives  of  the  New  World,  descriptions  of,  106. 
Their  motives  in  making  war,  107.  Further 
description,  172-175.  Domestic  habits  of,  183. 
Attempts  to  treat  with,  197. 

Navarrete,  documents  relating  to  Americus  con 
tained  in  his  collection,  96,  348-352. 

Navigators,  cotemporary,  of  Americus,  37. 

Nicuessa,  Diego  de,  the  rival  of  Ojeda,  330.  His 
assistance  to  Ojeda,  339. 

Non,  discovery  of  Cape,  28. 

O. 

Ojeda,  Alonzo  de,  his  evidence  respecting  Americus 
in  the  law -suit  of  Don  Diego  Columbus,  89-92. 
Account    of    his    early    life,    126.     Commission 
365 


INDEX. 

0  JEDA— Continued. 

granted  to  him  by  the  Bishop  Fonseca,  127.  His 
voyage  identical  with  the  second  voyage  of 
Americus,  128.  His  subsequent  history,  323. 
Connects  himself  with  Juan  de  Vergaraand  Garcia 
de  Campos,  324.  Sails  on  a  voyage  of  discovery 
in  1502,  and  forms  settlement  at  Bahia  Honda, 
325.  His  quarrels  with  his  partners,  325.  Legal 
proceedings  against  him,  326.  His  triumphant 
acquittal,  327.  His  connection  with  Juan  de  la 
Cosa,  329.  His  departure  from  San  Domingo, 
15th  Nov.,  1509,  on  another  expedition,  331.  His 
celebrated  proclamation  to  the  Indians,  332-335. 
Furious  battle  with  the  natives,  335,  336.  His 
remarkable  escape,  337,  338.  With  the  aid  of 
Nicuessa  he  prepares  for  another  attack,  339. 
Its  entire  success,  339.  Forme  a  settlement  in  the 
Gulf  of  Uraba,  ib.  Wounded  in  battle  with  the 
Indians,  340.  Famine  in  his  settlement,  and  ar 
rival  of  Talavera,  341.  His  departure  in  search 
of  supplies,  and  shipwreck  on  the  coast  of  Cuba, 
342.  His  awful  sufferings  there,  343,  344.  His 
vow  and  its  fulfilment,  344,  346.  His  arrival  at 
Hispaniola  by  way  of  Jamaica,  345.  His  last 
days,  346,  347. 

P. 

Paria,  visited  by  Americus  in  1497,  119,  note.  Sec 
ond  visit,  1499,  143.  Pearls,  seen  by  Americus 
in  Paria,  143. 

Peretola,  the  place  where  the  Vespucci  family 
originated,  50. 

Philip,  King  of  Spain,  his  accession,  223.  His  death 
at  Burgos,  225. 

Pilots,  ignorance  of  the,  181. 

Pinelo,  Bernardo,  treasurer  of  Spain,  his  payments 
to  Americus,  84. 

Pinzon,  Vicente,  204,  205.  Named  commander, 
with  Americus,  214-226-227. 

Plague  of  Florence,  in  1478,  60. 

Polo,  Marco,  his  accounts  esteemed  by  Columbus, 
35.  His  accounts  adopted  by  Toscanelli,  35,  36. 
Account  of  him  and  his  travels,  298-309.  Curious 
anecdote  of,  305,  306.  Description  of  Quinsai, 
309-316.  And  of  the  Island  of  Cipango,  317, 
318.  Of  the  wealth  of  the  Grand  Khan,  319,  320. 
And  of  his  care  of  his  subjects,  320. 
366 


INDEX. 

Popolani,  the  name  adopted  by  De'  Medici,  the  corre 
spondent  of  Americus,  131,  132. 

Portugal,  importance  of  the  voyages  of  Americus 
to  the  kingdom  of,  169. 

Printing,  invention  of  the  art  of,  45. 

Q 

Quinsai,  extract  from  Marco  Polo's  description  of, 
309-316. 

R. 

Rainbow,  lunar,  188,  189. 

Ranke,  M.  de,  his  letter  to  M.  de  Humboldt,  353-355. 

Rene,  Duke  of  Lorraine  and  Bar,  and  titular  King 

of  Jerusalem  and  Sicily,  86.     Supposed  address 

of  the  letter  of  Americus  to  him,  and  sketch  of 

his  life,  86,  87,  note. 
Robertson,  Dr. ,  his  sketch  of  the  character  of  Prince 

Henry  of  Portugal,  25,  26. 
Rome,  unable  to  join  in  the  career  of  discovery,  40. 

S. 

Sailor,  gallantry  of  a  Portuguese,  145. 

Salvini,  Antonio,  the  tablet  which  he  placed  over 
the  gateway  of  the  Vespucci  Mansion,  51. 

Santaren,  the  Marquis  de,  his  letter  to  Navarrete, 
with  Humboldt 's  remarks  concerning  it,  350-352. 

Scandinavians,  discoveries  of,  86. 

Scholars  of  the  East,  their  coming  into  Europe,  45. 

Seneca,  the  celebrated  prophecy  of,  in  the  Medea, 
138,  note. 

Senegal  River,  discoveries  beyond,  29,  30. 

Soderini,  Piero,  his  early  friendship  with  Americus, 
59.  Sketch  of  his  life  and  character,  98-100. 
First  portion  of  letter  of  Americus  to  him, 
describing  his  first  voyage,  100-123.  Second 
part  of  the  letter  of  Americus  to  him,  154.  Third 
part,  194.  Conclusion,  207.  M.  Ranke 's  letter 
to  Humboldt  respecting  him,  353-355. 

Solar  shadows,  noticed  by  Americus,  136,  137. 

Solis,  Diaz  de,  226-228. 

Southern  cross,  137.  Remarkable  passage  in  Dante's 
Purgatory  relating  to  it,  137,  note. 

St.  Augustine,  Cape  of,  doubled,  199. 

St.  Brandan,  Island  of,  33,  and  note. 

Subano,  Juan  de,  226. 

367 


INDEX. 

T. 

Talavera,  a  piratical  leader,  341. 

Toscanelli,  Paolo,  a  Florentine  physician,  writes  to 

Columbus,  35,  36.     His  map,  ib.     His  letters  to 

Columbus,  292-297. 
Tuana,  a  remarkable  animal  seen  by  Americus,  115, 

note. 

U. 
Ugolino  Verini,  lines  of,  respecting  the  Vespucci 

family,  50. 

Ursa  Major  and  Minor,  188,  200,  201,  202,  204. 
Uraba,  settlement  in  the  Gulf  of,  339. 
Usury,  false  ideas  of,  in  the  middle  ages,  23. 

V. 

Venezuela,  arrival  of  Americus  at,  112. 

Verazzani,  Giovanni,  a  Florentine  navigator,  sketch 
of  his  life,  40,  41.  Sails  in  the  frigate  Dauphin, 
17th  January,  1524,  41.  His  unhappy  fate,  41. 

Vergara,  Juan  de,  partner  of  Ojeda,  324. 

Vespucci,  see  Americus. 

Vespucci,  Anastasio,  the  father  of  Americus,  50. 
Secretary  of  the  Republic  of  Florence,  54.  Letter 
from  Americus  to  him,  62,  63. 

Vespucci,  Georgio  Antonio,  uncle  of  Americus,  dis 
tinguished  as  a  scholar,  58.  His  school  and  in 
struction  of  Americus,  58. 

Vespucci,  Girolamo,  the  brother  of  Americus,  his 
misfortunes,  65.  His  letter  to  Americus,  65. 

Vespucci,  Giovanni,  the  nephew  of  Americus,  ac 
companies  his  uncle  on  his  departure  from  Flor 
ence,  66.  Peter  Martyr's  friendship  for  him,  67, 
note. 

Vespucci,  visit  to  the  old  mansion  of  the,  52,  note. 

Vespucci,  Simone  di  Piero,  his  wealth  and  liberal 
ity,  53.  His  tomb,  53. 

Vespucci,  Piero,  commanded  the  Florentine  gal 
leys,  54. 

Vespucci,  Guido  Antonio,  distinguished  in  letters, 
54. 

Vila,  Grand  Chamberlain  of  King  Philip,  224. 

Villegagnon,  219. 

W. 

Webb,  Thomas  H.,  Secretary  of  the  Rhode  Island 
Historical  Society,  his  account  of  Dighton  Rock, 
37,  38,  39,  note. 

368 


THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
STAMPED  BELOW 


AN  INITIAL  FINE  OF  25  CENTS 

WILL  BE  ASSESSED  FOR  FAILURE  TO  RETURN 
THIS  BOOK  ON  THE  DATE  DUE.  THE  PENALTY 
WILL  INCREASE  TO  SO  CENTS  ON  THE  FOURTH 
DAY  AND  TO  $1.OO  ON  THE  SEVENTH  DAY 
OVERDUE. 


AUG  3 


36742 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


